Tuesday, August 21, 2018

Reject Marcos-Robredo cliques and push for true class-led revolution to change our Present Condition

Karl Marx once quoted Hegel as saying that historical personages appear twice--first as tragedy and second, as a farce. He wrote this in the 18th Brumaire if I remember correctly. This is precisely what is happening to the Philippines mainly due to the unchanging economic relations in this country. Though I heard from a source that charter change is already dead in the water as I write this, nonetheless, I still maintain a very strong position against Federalism at this juncture in our history simply because it will not change the economic relations that exist between classes in Philippine society. It will, however, only change how political power is distributed and by distributing it in a very sparse manner, it will only increase the number of personalities benefitting from public funds and increase the possibility of graft and corruption.

What this country needs at this point is equality---equality in the access to the means of production. As a working class revolution is not at all possible at this historical juncture, the next best solution to the widespread poverty of this country is to transform the state into a worker's mallet so as to serve as a weapon against big-time capitalist interests.

I quoted Marx here because I am surprised at how the public are calmly accepting the possibility of a Marcosian comeback thru constitutional succession. It is still vivid in my memory, how, as a fifteen year old, I watched in television how thousands trooped and entered Malacanan bearing nothing but their fists and ransacked the entire place. It is still very much clear to my mind how several were seen tromping the paintings bearing the pictures of Imelda and Ferdie Marcos and opening those end of century era cabinets looking for documents and other stuff.

Ferdinand Marcos came as a whiff of fresh air against traditional politicians (trapos) who dominate Filipino society both as economic and political masters. Through his wit and charisma, Marcos was able to transcend the traditional barriers to the top political power thru excellent strategies and political machinations that always befuddle his political nemesis. He was the first member of the bourgeoisie that transcended the tough political barriers to the Presidency. There was much hope in him, due to the fact that members of the oligarchy were convinced that Marcos was with them, and he was an excellent counterforce against Benigno Aquino Jr., whose politics wavered between pseudo Socialism and liberalism.

His first term was viewed favourably as economic conditions improved. The Philippines maintained its position as an economic powerhouse in Asia. His second term though, encountered rough waters and predictably so because capitalism at that time in the Philippines was encountering a crisis due to the war politics of the Philippines' main patron, the United States.

Marcos was left in a quandary--- he knew that the liberation of this country from the shackles of poverty and underdevelopment is thru the change in the economic relations of classes. He, however, has served as a political representative of the bourgeoisie--- he pursued liberal capitalist policies which though resulted in evident structural improvements and a robust economy, it however, failed to resolve the age-old economic relations between landlords and the landless in the provinces.

Large-scale landholdings remain under the hands and control of big-time landlords that transform themselves into demi-gods in their territories. Armed and dangerous, these landlords also serve as political patrons and in some instances, the very symbol of local political power in their respective provinces. Since their interest is to preserve their economic interests, local laws tend to favour their class instead of laws being used to equalise society. What came out was that of conflict between landlords and their stooges, and the peasants who tend the land and tried to defend themselves against the predatory local policies of the landed.

Hence, there were two parallel historical trends in the Philippines happening at the same time during Marcos rule--- the need for more structural changes in the core meaning the urbanised centres of commerce, and the continuing conflict occurring in the peripheral segments of Philippine society. The core was fast changing due to external influences of trade flows, while the periphery is fast deteriorating due to the unresolved economic relations between the landed and the landless.

Marcos knew that the solution to the problem of landlessness in the periphery was genuine agrarian reform. By putting these large landholdings under the ambit of government and distributing them to the peasants and farmers, and increased government intervention thru machination and providing financial assistance for agricultural production, this measure would surely result to a revolutionary change in economic relations. When economic relations are then changed, this will empower the peasants as economic players and spur development thru the increase in wealth.

However, these landlords are themselves the main economic players in the core. The Rodriguez family for example, maintain vast tracts of land not just in the Rizal provinces but in lands in the National Capital Region (NCR). Rent is the basis of wealth of most landlords. The local aristocracy such as the Ortigases, Ayalas, etal., leased and sometimes develop their lands as hubs of trade and commerce and thereafter, derive rent from them.

For Marcos to do his part and satisfy the expectations of him by his political base, he must dismantle this huge network of landlords and capitalists in connivance with bureaucrat capitalists. In essence, he must work or battle against his friends, the very class that he intended to become a part of. He knows that the solution is to transform the state into a hammer that would smash the control of the bourgeoisie of the entire economic superstructure.

And Marcos did what he intended to---he justified the use of martial law as an instrument to equalise economic and social relations. However, instead of further developing the state into a mallet, Marcos instead consolidated all power into himself, his family and his associates, thereupon creating a powerful clique within bourgeois ranks. What Marcos did was a cosmetic strategy aimed at reportedly changing the face of production relations when in fact, Marcos did was monopoly of power. Marcos, exactly, became the state instead of him only acting as an instrumentality of the state for the equalisation of relations in productions.

Thus, Marcos became the monumental tragedy in Philippine history. And now, with the second time around, we are being led to the slaughter house by calmly accepting the intended constitutional succession that Mr. Rodrigo Roa Duterte is actually proposing.

Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos III, admittedly, is an 'improved Marcos'. I had the privilege of talking with him, and Bongbong seemed to be the Marcos with a deep knowledge of how to do the right thing this time.

However, like his father, Bongbong is also working for the interests of the bourgeoisie which he associated himself with. The only difference this time is that Bongbong's ties with the military is solid.

What do we expect from a Bongbong presidency but a military regime. I must advise against this because studies show that military regimes do not last. Military supporters of Bongbong Marcos see as their model the Thai and Myanmar cases but these military regimes are encountering stiff and active opposition. They are recognisant of this and are slowly modernising. However, in modernising, they are losing political power and hold.

Bongbong Marcos represents a clique within the bourgeoisie, a pitiful and sad thing. Expect nothing revolutionary to happen under a repeat of a Marcos-led government. Instead, this will surely escalate conflict among classes, leading to anarchy.

Bongbong Marcos and incidentally, Vice President Leni Robredo are both representing cliques within bourgeoisie ranks. Behind these cliques are powerful capitalist interests that will bring nothing more than exacerbate the inequality of class relations. These capitalists are concerned only with profits and more profits to the detriment of the large majority of Filipinos who are now suffering from higher prices of goods and services.

The Philippines is ripe for a revolutionary break in its history. The people are convinced of the necessity of changing not just the political but the social and economic relations of classes. The first step is really for Filipinos to attain a collective consciousness, a consciousness rotted in their class, and as a class, work for the dismantling of the present oppressive economic system.

This can only be realized through consolidation of all democratic and nationalist elements within Philippine society under one Party. That Party will work for the interests and welfare of the Filipino People. This Party should work for a revolutionary struggle, together with the armed forces under one shared class consciousness.

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