Bishop Chito Tagle and the Church Campaign Against RH Bill

Bishop Tagle is like Cardinal Sin

The Vatican appointment of Bishop Luis “Chito” Tagle seems to be an enigma. At the surface, Tagle seems the most unlikely candidate to head the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Manila. For one, Tagle is a leading theologian in Asia,[1] a “dogmatist” as described by his students and fellow clergy at the San Jose Major seminary where he teaches theology and priesthood.

At this very crucial period when the Philippine Congress is hotly debating to either pass or not the controversial Reproductive Health bill, it seems foolhardy for the Church to appoint a known theologian to lead the Church campaign against the bill. Some may say, the Church needs a socio-political campaigner in the mold of Auxiliary Bishop Broderick Pabillo, CBCP president Most. Rev. Nereo P. Odchimar, D.D.  or even Bishop Dinualdo Gutierrez to rally the clergy with the Laity in opposing the bill.

A deeper analysis however, reveals that Tagle is the best fit for the job for three (3) reasons: First, he is a popular theologian, widely known within Catholic religious circles. Second, his name has not been involved in any controversy, especially the Pajero issue; and third, he is very influential and has strong ties with the Cojuangcos. [2] Some say, Tagle is the much awaited “rapprochement”, which both the Church and the State needs to repair their damaged ties.

Tagle cast a populist image of a staunch defender of Church teachings

Tagle, according to several sources, is a staunch defender of the church. [3] Tagle commands a strong and highly influential voice among his fellow priests and the laity as well. He does not wield a sword, but his strong theological understanding gives him the strength to form and command a great army of religious supporters. His weekly religious show over ANC and NBN 4 gives him the platform to communicate the church stands on issues with the Laity.

Tagle is also a popular author of many books, mostly inspirational ones. His homilies are being distributed online. Many who heard and saw his shows describe Tagle as an effective communicator.  He translates Catholic religious dogma into easy, populist and well-understood concepts that the people understand. Tagles likes to infuse some personal touch or experience in his homilies, which he conducts in a storytelling style. [4]

He may not be as popular as the other Bishops (Cruz, etal), yet Tagle has been extremely influential among fellow priests. Tagle’s appointment as Archbishop of Manila was similar with that of Sin, who, like Tagle, was plucked out of nowhere to head the most influential diocese in the country. [5] 

It is certain that the Church wants to transform the Archdiocese of Manila into a political powerhouse.  Tagle is expected to lead and galvanize public support against the Reproductive Health Bill. The Catholic Church expects a strong and brutal fight with the Philippine Congress.

The Archdiocese of Manila

Traditionally known as the church’s “sounding board” or “political platform”, the Archdiocese of Manila has been known to intervene in socio-political issues. The presence of Auxiliary Bishop Broderick Pabillo, who is a known anti-mining, pro-environment, proves this. During the time of Cardinal Jaime Sin, the archbishopric of Manila was at the center-stage of anti-martial law activities and in 2002, was instrumental in the ouster of former president Joseph Estrada.

Church-State relations under Arroyo administration

It was only at the time of former president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo that the Archbishopric toned down its political involvement. Tagaytay Bishop Gaudencio Rosales was appointed by the See as head of the once-politicized diocese.

A non-political guy, Rosales tried to re-focus the energies of the diocese. Instead of continuing the legacy of Sin, Rosales steered the diocese away from politics and emphasized more on the church role in directly helping its impoverished flock.

Rosales chose his battles. Since one of his relatives, Meldy Poblador, is very close to the president, Rosales never lifted a finger in the anti-impeachment campaigns against the former president. Rosales received numerous brickbats for electing to steer the diocese away from political issues and instead, focused on socio-environmental activities. Rosales prioritized helping the poor directly and keeping the relationship of the Church with the government at a safe distance.

In truth, Malacanang maintained a very strong hold of the church during its nine year administration. Malacanang used the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO) and various government agencies in enhancing and strengthening its ties with the Church. Several attempts by opposition groups at soliciting the support of the highly-influential Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) against Arroyo, fell by the wayside.

Church-State relations under Aquino administration

This was not the case with the Aquino administration. Early on in the life of the administration, several Church personalities already engaged the Aquino administration in several contentious issues.

Retired Dagupan Archbishop Oscar Cruz got the President angry when he exposed the involvement of several of the President’s men in the jueteng business. Cruz exposed the alleged role of presidential buddy, Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) Undersecretary Rico Puno and presidential cousin Tony Boy Cojuangco in jueteng. Cruz testified during the House and Senate probes on jueteng that several emissaries of known Jueteng Lord Bong Pineda visited Puno in his office. Puno did not deny this. Cruz also castigated the Palace on several issues, including the botched Manila hostage crisis and the Reproductive Health bill.

It was in the controversial “Pajero issue” that the relationship of the Church with the State worsened. The President allowed the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO) board, led by his relative, Margie Juico, to hit the Church back by exposing the alleged car donations made by the agency with several of the Church leaders connected to the Catholic Bishop’s Conference of the Philippines (CBCP).

The controversy became so heated that it led to a Senate investigation. The PCSO board presented a list of utility vehicles given to the church. The Church did not deny the donations. In a public display of humility, those church officials who requested the vehicles, decided to bring the vehicles back to the PCSO.

The Church-State relationship became extremely worse when the President decided to support the Reproductive Health (RH) bill advocates at the House. House speaker Feliciano Belmonte revealed that the bill has enough numbers to pass. However, legislators remained cautious because the administration has not given a categorical statement of support behind the bill. The bill has already reached the debate stage at the Senate. Two Senators, Miriam Defensor-Santiago and Pia Cayetano are actively supporting the bill, to the chagrin of the Church. Both politicians were supported by the Church in their electoral bids, and now, they are on the other side of the fence, so to speak.

Looking for a rapprochement

Malacanang is in a quandary. It wants Congress to pass the RH bill. It cannot assume an active, or overt role because it will further aggravate relations with the Church. It also wants to repair its severed ties with the Catholic hierarchy.

Since the President already dissolved the Office of the Presidential adviser on Eccleastical Affairs, who then, will do the hard task of re-linking the State with the Catholic Church?

During the time of Arroyo, that job was thrown to Meldy Poblador and Dodie Limcaoco, the presidential adviser on Eccleastical Affairs. Under the current setup in the Palace, this now goes to the lap of Presidential Adviser on Political Concerns Ronald Llamas.

The thing is—Llamas hands are full. Liaison work is supposed to be full-time.

It seems that Malacanang wants to solve this by themselves.

So as not to worsen the already developed “bad tension” between the Church and the Government, Malacanang invited several bishops to form a body that would talk with the Palace on the RH bill. This was the very first time that Bishop Tagle’s name came about.

A staunch anti-RH bill advocate, Tagle was part of the church delegation that talked with members of Aquino’s administration. Tagle came with Bishop Soc Villegas, a close friend of the Aquinos, Monsignor Figura, the secretary general of the CBCP and other representatives. They were met by Presidential Management Staff (PMS) Secretary Julia Abad, Dr. Ona of the Department of Health (DoH) and Presidential spokesperson Edwin Lacierda.

The dialogue went well, but both sides did not give even an inch in compromise. Church officials condemned Malacanang saying that it was “very hard” to talk with the President, since many officials believed the President already made up his mind about the Reproductive Health bill.

Rapprochement

Both institutions suffered tremendously in the first year of the new administration. In several occasions, both the Church and the State clashed, and unlike the previous administration, the clash became more severe, each and every time.

Why was Tagle invited to the dialogue, the very first “political” affair ever attended by the Head of the Diocese in Cavite?

First, Tagle is an expert in Theology. He is well versed on the religious ramifications of the RH bill. Second, he is a Communications expert. He can engage the State in a debate on this issue and at the same time, communicate these in simplier terms with the people.

Third, and we believe this is the clincher---Tagle studied at the Ateneo the same time that Noynoy Aquino stayed in the university. The President finished his college course in 1981, a year before Tagle who finished his Bachelor of Arts, major in Philosophy at the Ateneo summa cum laude.

Tagle and Aquino may have been “classmates” once but certainly, they are members of the same 1981-1982 generation of Ateneans.

Moreso, Tagle is very close to Imelda Cojuangco, wife of Ramon Cojuangco, uncle of the President. 

Tagle’s appointment seems to provide the Church with a delicate balance. First off, Tagle is expected to continue Rosales’ programs of direct advocacy with the poorest segments of the faithful, and second, to again convert the Archdiocese into a political powerhouse without affecting its relations with the Aquino administration. 

The Catholic Church is expecting a showdown with the State. It intends to mobilize the people against RH bill. With 2012 just around the corner, the Church will try to show these politicians that it is still a political force to contend with, and its support, crucial in their political campaigns come 2013. 

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[1] http://www.cathnewsphil.com/2011/10/13/leading-asian-theologian-is-next-manila-archbishop

[2] Tagle and his parents are close friends of Mr. Pedro and Sari Cojuangco. Likewise, Imelda Cojuangco is a good friend of the Bishop. They are members of the Mother Butler Mission Guilds see link: http://motherbutlermissionguilds.org/benefactors. Tagle was also the speaker of the Cofradia de la Inmaculada Conception of Imelda Cojuangco, wife of former PLDT chairman Ramon Cojuangco.

[3] http://www.mb.com.ph/articles/337637/vatican-appoints-rosales-replacement

[4] “Storytelling sets for dialogue” at link: http://www.fabc.org/asian_mission_congress.

[5] The former Cardinal Sin was an archbishop of Jaro, a minor diocese, when he was suddenly thrust and appointed by the Vatican to head the archdiocese of Manila.