Unknown to many, the ancient Romans celebrated the first month in March, not in January. Usually, the first year begins at March 15, a day which went in infamy as the day when Julius Caesar was assassinated and it was likewise, the month which saw Rome transition from a Republic into an empire.
In the Philippines, we talk about March as the beginning of summer. IN other parts of the world, March signifies the month when the priests of Jupiter lead the sheep in procession along the Via sacra, where it was sacrificed.
The question really is---will March mark an historical milestone for us, Filipinos? Will all these mass actions lead to an eventual conclusion, that is, regime change?
Who will be the escape goat? In Roman tradition, whenever March approaches, there is an old man who is depicted as the "escape goat" being beaten up.
Will it be a new year to all of us, beginning in March? Let's see.
Showing posts with label philippine history. Show all posts
Showing posts with label philippine history. Show all posts
Friday, February 27, 2015
Saturday, June 1, 2013
August 26 as Independence Day, not June 12
June 12 may be our official declaration of Independence and many academicians debated this and even fought for it in the halls of Congress, because before, we celebrate July 4 as our Independence date. Now, I am convinced that even June 12 is not the official date when we declared our independence. It is August 26 when the forces of the Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio declared freedom and independence and eventually created a de facto government shortly after that.
June 12 is debatable because at that time, the succession was illegitimate. Emilio Aguinaldo's election as President was questionable. Indeed, that Tejeros Convention event where an election was called, was rigged and Bonifacio formally declared it as such and did not recognize it. Bonifacio had at that time, the authority and the power to declare such electoral exercise as illegitimate because he was the Supremo, elected in an earlier electoral exercise by members of the Katipunan. The Katipunan at that time, was acting as government in several liberated areas, not just in Cavite. The fact was, the base of the Republic was in the mountains of Caloocan. Caloocan was the hotbed of the revolutionary government, and this government was largely recognized by the people as their own legitimate government.
Those who recognize Aguinaldo as the legitimate president of the Republic were members of the Cavite branch of the Katipunan revolutionary government. When these elements seized and eventually executed Bonifacio, it was an act of defiance against the existing legitimate Katipunan government. Fact was, it was a criminal act, an act of treason. Aguinaldo and his cohorts deserve the death penalty.
Who, then, replaced Bonifacio shortly after his death? Documents point to General Emilio Jacinto, the confidente and loyal member of the Katipunan. Jacinto never recognized Aguinaldo's authority. The bulk of the Katipunan, led by Macario Sakay, a Tondo resident, also did not recognize Aguinaldo's power. Most Katipuneros saw the ruse, that explains why Aguinaldo's forces suffered numerous defeats shortly after he assumed power and killed Bonifacio because Aguinaldo did not get most of the support he expected from the Katipuneros.
June 12 is debatable because at that time, the succession was illegitimate. Emilio Aguinaldo's election as President was questionable. Indeed, that Tejeros Convention event where an election was called, was rigged and Bonifacio formally declared it as such and did not recognize it. Bonifacio had at that time, the authority and the power to declare such electoral exercise as illegitimate because he was the Supremo, elected in an earlier electoral exercise by members of the Katipunan. The Katipunan at that time, was acting as government in several liberated areas, not just in Cavite. The fact was, the base of the Republic was in the mountains of Caloocan. Caloocan was the hotbed of the revolutionary government, and this government was largely recognized by the people as their own legitimate government.
Those who recognize Aguinaldo as the legitimate president of the Republic were members of the Cavite branch of the Katipunan revolutionary government. When these elements seized and eventually executed Bonifacio, it was an act of defiance against the existing legitimate Katipunan government. Fact was, it was a criminal act, an act of treason. Aguinaldo and his cohorts deserve the death penalty.
Who, then, replaced Bonifacio shortly after his death? Documents point to General Emilio Jacinto, the confidente and loyal member of the Katipunan. Jacinto never recognized Aguinaldo's authority. The bulk of the Katipunan, led by Macario Sakay, a Tondo resident, also did not recognize Aguinaldo's power. Most Katipuneros saw the ruse, that explains why Aguinaldo's forces suffered numerous defeats shortly after he assumed power and killed Bonifacio because Aguinaldo did not get most of the support he expected from the Katipuneros.
Saturday, June 16, 2012
Dr. Jose Rizal as the Illuminator and Philippine history as incomplete
Three days from now, and we will be celebrating the birth of Jose Rizal. Do you know that Rizal is not officially our national hero? There is still no law that really establishes Rizal as our national hero.
And understandably so. Would you allow this present bunch of nincoompoops in Congress to specifically give you the standards for national heroes? Besides, we always say that we are a nation of heroes.
Dr. Jose Rizal gave his greatest contribution by being the literary force that illuminated the minds of Filipinos and led to the masses' fight for freedom. Rizal was the first to break the slavish system which ingrained itself in the psyche of the Filipino, among other things.
Rizal, to my mind, was a sly revolutionary who figured that weapons and modern arms were useless against a petty mob of rulers who think themselves as lords over a mass of dishevelled slavish-thinking people. When emissaries of Bonifacio went to Rizal for counselling and the doctor reportedly disagreed with them, Rizal did so because for him, the illumination process was still in its infancy. For Rizal, shoring arms against the Spaniards was an easy task, but nation-building wasn't.
Rizal was thinking ahead. He saw that the nation was still unprepared. Yes, the might of arms gave way to revolutionary victory, but without breaking the sociological chains that bind both the Lord and the Slave, the Slave would find it extremely hard to make his will a reality.
This explains why, for a century, we tried to give flesh to our theoretical constructs, trying to determine the true Pinoy, and attempted several times to deconstruct History and glean from the mass of disproportionate parts, lessons which we tried to fit into a boxed up reality of sorts.
Limited knowledge of the world, that was the problem of decades past.
Now that knowledge has broken from its prison, and its rays bursting from every single direction, the Filipino now has the great opportunity to construct his own model for progress without reconstructing someone's Idea.
The Filipino, himself, is the Idea.
And understandably so. Would you allow this present bunch of nincoompoops in Congress to specifically give you the standards for national heroes? Besides, we always say that we are a nation of heroes.
Dr. Jose Rizal gave his greatest contribution by being the literary force that illuminated the minds of Filipinos and led to the masses' fight for freedom. Rizal was the first to break the slavish system which ingrained itself in the psyche of the Filipino, among other things.
Rizal, to my mind, was a sly revolutionary who figured that weapons and modern arms were useless against a petty mob of rulers who think themselves as lords over a mass of dishevelled slavish-thinking people. When emissaries of Bonifacio went to Rizal for counselling and the doctor reportedly disagreed with them, Rizal did so because for him, the illumination process was still in its infancy. For Rizal, shoring arms against the Spaniards was an easy task, but nation-building wasn't.
Rizal was thinking ahead. He saw that the nation was still unprepared. Yes, the might of arms gave way to revolutionary victory, but without breaking the sociological chains that bind both the Lord and the Slave, the Slave would find it extremely hard to make his will a reality.
This explains why, for a century, we tried to give flesh to our theoretical constructs, trying to determine the true Pinoy, and attempted several times to deconstruct History and glean from the mass of disproportionate parts, lessons which we tried to fit into a boxed up reality of sorts.
Limited knowledge of the world, that was the problem of decades past.
Now that knowledge has broken from its prison, and its rays bursting from every single direction, the Filipino now has the great opportunity to construct his own model for progress without reconstructing someone's Idea.
The Filipino, himself, is the Idea.
Monday, April 9, 2012
Araw ng Kagitingan: The Day When We fought for a Cause
April 9, which is celebrated today as "heroes' day" is a special holiday. We pay tribute to the Filipinos, who two generations past, fought against the brutal forces of colonialism that destroyed our country. We fought the tentacles of pan-Asian imperialism, as religiously pursued by Japan. We defeated the Japanese side by side with the Americans. The Americans religiously fought the Japanese believing that it's payback time, only to realize later that they were used by their own government to achieve world domination. America won the war and got the biggest prize ever---global power status. That war against Japan was an historical milestone because it justified the continued militarization of the American state.
Here, today, we pay special mention to the Filipinos who fought these wars of independence. For us back then, we were fighting a real enemy, an enemy who abused and disabused our most cherished possessions and tried to waylay us from the right path. We were fighting for love of country, the kind that possesses each and every individual only once or twice in a lifetime.
Kagitingan, the Tagalog word we used to commemorate today's holiday, is not to be interpreted as equivalent only to the word, bravery or giting. We Filipinos use two different terms: giting and tapang to describe bravery. I choose giting to describe what these Filipinos felt at the time of their sacrifice.
"Giting" is something more than bravery---it is a state wherein you sacrificed everything for a cause. Back then, the cause was liberation from foreign domination. You feel "ma"-giting because you are not just fighting for fighting's sake--you are doing the fighting or the striving for others, more than yourself.
You believe your cause to be just. You believe that you are fighting for your God, Country and Family.
"Tapang" is different. You feel it as some sort of a bravado, somewhat individualistic, personalistic, self-absorbed, egotistic. You are Ma-"tapang" because you feel that you can actually do things yourself. Using your brute strength, you unleash ka"tapangan" and not "kagitingan."
Kagitingan comes at a time when you least expect it. When duty calls, that's when kagitingan always comes in. You're probably not ma"tapang" but you're definitely ma"giting when you heed the clarion call of "to arms!"
Kagitingan is striving for glory to God, Country and Family.
Today, most of us want to believe that we are matapang. That we can face life as bravely as others do.
We forgot already that there is a higher cause or calling, Kagitingan. That we must face life in a honorable way and recognize that the solutions to all our problems lie in collective strivings or actions, and not individualist acts.
This is again, the time when we must show our kagitingan, and show the world how we Filipinos stand for what is just, and Right.
Here, today, we pay special mention to the Filipinos who fought these wars of independence. For us back then, we were fighting a real enemy, an enemy who abused and disabused our most cherished possessions and tried to waylay us from the right path. We were fighting for love of country, the kind that possesses each and every individual only once or twice in a lifetime.
Kagitingan, the Tagalog word we used to commemorate today's holiday, is not to be interpreted as equivalent only to the word, bravery or giting. We Filipinos use two different terms: giting and tapang to describe bravery. I choose giting to describe what these Filipinos felt at the time of their sacrifice.
"Giting" is something more than bravery---it is a state wherein you sacrificed everything for a cause. Back then, the cause was liberation from foreign domination. You feel "ma"-giting because you are not just fighting for fighting's sake--you are doing the fighting or the striving for others, more than yourself.
You believe your cause to be just. You believe that you are fighting for your God, Country and Family.
"Tapang" is different. You feel it as some sort of a bravado, somewhat individualistic, personalistic, self-absorbed, egotistic. You are Ma-"tapang" because you feel that you can actually do things yourself. Using your brute strength, you unleash ka"tapangan" and not "kagitingan."
Kagitingan comes at a time when you least expect it. When duty calls, that's when kagitingan always comes in. You're probably not ma"tapang" but you're definitely ma"giting when you heed the clarion call of "to arms!"
Kagitingan is striving for glory to God, Country and Family.
Today, most of us want to believe that we are matapang. That we can face life as bravely as others do.
We forgot already that there is a higher cause or calling, Kagitingan. That we must face life in a honorable way and recognize that the solutions to all our problems lie in collective strivings or actions, and not individualist acts.
This is again, the time when we must show our kagitingan, and show the world how we Filipinos stand for what is just, and Right.
Saturday, June 26, 2010
Aguinaldo as a Spanish spy?
I am down to my last three chapters of the book I am intending to publish. This is a history book, written in an "easy reading" style. While doing this, it benefitted me, immensely. It was not only a refresher for me, it also provided me with newer insights on Philippine history.
Example is the possibility that Aguinaldo is once a spy for the Spanish government. The evidence is just astounding. What is really good news at this point, especially for historiographers is the overwhelming and sheer volume of historical documents now available online for those who want to know the truth about the revolutionary movement.
Likewise, I provided a newer definition of the term "Filipino Nation". What "Filipino Nation" means to me now is something revolutionary--for it includes, Chinese, Japanese, Indian and Arab as part of the Filipino Nation. Filipinos are not a conglomeration of different (and sometimes differing) regional ethno-linguistic groups, no. We are essentially a Mestizo nation. Very few of us belonged to indigenous tribes. Mestizo, for me, is not the derogatory term used by us to describe elites, oh no. That is historically, wrong.
Ilustrado is, I think, the most derogatory term that someone will ever use to describe a scheming leech of a politico, like what we have right now.
Now for those who will probably question my aptitude for this, consider that I am first and foremost a historiographer. I once lectured history (and mass comm) in some of the country's top universities and also took masteral in this subject. I am also motivated to correct the erroneous entries in several elementary, highschool and even college history textbooks. I specialized also in research. And I think the new administration must also come up with an OFFICIAL HISTORY SOURCE BOOK that every author should refer themselves from each and every time they write a textbook.
What's more (an add-on if you will), you will gain some very valuable insider info on the workings of the present and incoming administrations. More than recorders and record holders, historiographers are likewise investigative journalists. They piece together several events, exposed their linkages and come up with a rational and truthful narration of what and why several of these events happened in the first place.
Wait for the official launching of the book. Hope to see you all there.
Friday, June 18, 2010
Bagong Istorya
I've been silent for the past few days because I am finishing my second and third books. The first is entitled "Bagong Istorya: Essays in Philippine History", a collection of new essays on certain events in Philippine history. The second one is basically a guidebook for corporate communications managers and PR men on how to effectively deal or manage PR crises.
God willing, there will also be a television (and possibly a radio show) program before the year ends for my favored leader. I am not at liberty to disclose it yet since it is still in the planning stage. If they, however, agree on the concept of the show, then, expect to see it hopefully aired in one of three of our top networks before the year ends.
Bagong Istorya, I hope, will be acceptable as a sort of "bible" by the New Patriots, the Bagong Katipuneros. Philippine history should be re-interpreted in a new light. There are many new facts unearthed by historiographers and archaeologists that have'nt been exposed to the public yet. I wrote about them in the book and I just hope that the paradigm that I used in my interpretation of Philippine history be used by later generations.
When I was still a young lecturer in Philippine History at the University of the Philippines in Manila in 1992, I used historical materialism in my interpretation of history. In this book, I relied more on Hegel's philosophy of History, taking his developmental theory and fusing it with a Filipino flavor or interpretation. History, it seems, is still a narrative of how the Spirit or the collective Consciousness behaved based on certain "pressures" or "things"
There is also a re-interpretation of what the "Filipino Nation" is. Traditional interpretation makes it a "group of people belonging to several ethno-linguistic groups. I re-interpreted the Filipino Nation to mean a group of people composed of Malayu, Chinese, Spanish, Arab, Japanese, Persian and Indian races. Filipino is not just the different ethno-linguistic groups but also includes these other races.
Pre-colonial times, there is no dominant racial group in these islands. These islands were centers of regional trade. Most communities are composed of different races, a mixture of different racial groups. Racial inter-marriages produced the first generation of "Filipinos" yet prior to the conceptualization of the term " Filipino", these generations were named after their traditional place names, meaning the place where they were born. That's why we have Cebuanos, who were basically Chinese mestizos, Indians, and Arab-looking "Cebuanos" or "Ilokanos" who were basically of Japanese and Formosan mestizo stock.
When we liberated ourselves from the yolk of the Spanish, and the Mestizos created a "class" for themselves, unwittingly, they also created a new "race" separate from their rulers. More on this in my book. Wait for it in bookstores.
God willing, there will also be a television (and possibly a radio show) program before the year ends for my favored leader. I am not at liberty to disclose it yet since it is still in the planning stage. If they, however, agree on the concept of the show, then, expect to see it hopefully aired in one of three of our top networks before the year ends.
Bagong Istorya, I hope, will be acceptable as a sort of "bible" by the New Patriots, the Bagong Katipuneros. Philippine history should be re-interpreted in a new light. There are many new facts unearthed by historiographers and archaeologists that have'nt been exposed to the public yet. I wrote about them in the book and I just hope that the paradigm that I used in my interpretation of Philippine history be used by later generations.
When I was still a young lecturer in Philippine History at the University of the Philippines in Manila in 1992, I used historical materialism in my interpretation of history. In this book, I relied more on Hegel's philosophy of History, taking his developmental theory and fusing it with a Filipino flavor or interpretation. History, it seems, is still a narrative of how the Spirit or the collective Consciousness behaved based on certain "pressures" or "things"
There is also a re-interpretation of what the "Filipino Nation" is. Traditional interpretation makes it a "group of people belonging to several ethno-linguistic groups. I re-interpreted the Filipino Nation to mean a group of people composed of Malayu, Chinese, Spanish, Arab, Japanese, Persian and Indian races. Filipino is not just the different ethno-linguistic groups but also includes these other races.
Pre-colonial times, there is no dominant racial group in these islands. These islands were centers of regional trade. Most communities are composed of different races, a mixture of different racial groups. Racial inter-marriages produced the first generation of "Filipinos" yet prior to the conceptualization of the term " Filipino", these generations were named after their traditional place names, meaning the place where they were born. That's why we have Cebuanos, who were basically Chinese mestizos, Indians, and Arab-looking "Cebuanos" or "Ilokanos" who were basically of Japanese and Formosan mestizo stock.
When we liberated ourselves from the yolk of the Spanish, and the Mestizos created a "class" for themselves, unwittingly, they also created a new "race" separate from their rulers. More on this in my book. Wait for it in bookstores.
Tuesday, March 16, 2010
The most expensive and the Most Violent elections in Phil History
Two things mark this May 10, 2010---the most expensive and the most violent. Inspite of the financial and economic crisis that we are suffering, most candidates are spending more than 1 billion pesos already, of course, being led by who else but the country's real estate magnate, Senator Manny Villar of the Nacionalista party. Records show he already spent 2 billion at least, two months ahead of the elections.
Okey with me if most of these went to feed the hungry, clothe the oppressed with justice and warmed the bodies of the widows. But no. These monies went to advertising, media placement and media networks. So, who did Manny Villar helped but those already awash with cash.
Imagine, where will he get the money to regain 2 billion pesos? Probably, he'll tell us that he has business partners who share the costs with him. Okey, so who are these partners? May we know so that we'll know who will probably benefit under a Villar administration?
And this is, by far, the most violent elections ever in Philippine history. The Philippine National Police has reported ninety five people killed, the most was that gruesome massacre in Maguindanao.
Both issues, if you'll analyze them very closely, is a problem of supervision. In overspending, the Comelec and the BIR are responsible for monitoring them, but sadly, they don't have the muscle nor the personnel to actually implement the law.
These politically-motivated killings are also part of the problem of supervision. The 140,000 strong police force are still insufficient to counter more than 10,000 armed groups, since most of these cops are being utilized to fight criminal syndicates (and some being used as security guards of the rich and famous).
The real problem actually lies in what people think of their respective roles in Philippine society. If, for example, people, especially candidates for elective posts, exercise self-regulation, overspending will not be a problem at all, since most will expect others to follow the same rules of the game.
If people respect the very sanctity and importance of life, he will not kill nor even think of killing another in the name of Sanctus Politio.
Hence, the very problem lies in the frames of mind of people. If people have the proper frames of reference, then, there is no need for stricter monitoring nor supervising things.
Okey with me if most of these went to feed the hungry, clothe the oppressed with justice and warmed the bodies of the widows. But no. These monies went to advertising, media placement and media networks. So, who did Manny Villar helped but those already awash with cash.
Imagine, where will he get the money to regain 2 billion pesos? Probably, he'll tell us that he has business partners who share the costs with him. Okey, so who are these partners? May we know so that we'll know who will probably benefit under a Villar administration?
And this is, by far, the most violent elections ever in Philippine history. The Philippine National Police has reported ninety five people killed, the most was that gruesome massacre in Maguindanao.
Both issues, if you'll analyze them very closely, is a problem of supervision. In overspending, the Comelec and the BIR are responsible for monitoring them, but sadly, they don't have the muscle nor the personnel to actually implement the law.
These politically-motivated killings are also part of the problem of supervision. The 140,000 strong police force are still insufficient to counter more than 10,000 armed groups, since most of these cops are being utilized to fight criminal syndicates (and some being used as security guards of the rich and famous).
The real problem actually lies in what people think of their respective roles in Philippine society. If, for example, people, especially candidates for elective posts, exercise self-regulation, overspending will not be a problem at all, since most will expect others to follow the same rules of the game.
If people respect the very sanctity and importance of life, he will not kill nor even think of killing another in the name of Sanctus Politio.
Hence, the very problem lies in the frames of mind of people. If people have the proper frames of reference, then, there is no need for stricter monitoring nor supervising things.
Thursday, May 14, 2009
The Rise of the Caudillo & His Dialectics
Cross posted over at Filipino Voices. Check it out at :http://filipinovoices.com/the-rise-of-the-pinoy-ubermensch
If we are to really study Philippine History, we find that it’s really an unfinished story of a people longing for its own developed national consciousness. Throughout its 350 year history, no concrete Pinoy philosophical worldview has emerged, mainly due to the efforts of colonizers to subvert the growth of one. Likewise, the archipelagic nature of this country provided geographic barriers to the rise, and growth, of a truly Filipino interpretation of his reality.
Philippine history is a tug-of- war between those who have and those have nots. It’s not just about power that groups wage war of; it’s also about leadership in the change business. If we divide our story, we can conveniently divide it into two: the part where force is ascendant to effect change contrast with the present part where ideas seem to matter. It is in this realm where the elites and the counter-elites wage a struggle, each one desperately creating their niches while subverting each other to the detriment of the collective.
Come 2010, this Nation will have to face the reality of choosing which option to take—long-lasting change through extra-constitutional means or choose a palliative measure through elections. Whatever options the Filipino chooses, the same result will happen—it risks seeing the inevitable rise of a Pinoy ubermensch.
When a Nation, such as ours, faces extreme suffering and there is an absence of vision, that Nation treads a fate worst than economic distress. It faces the inevitable future based on the principle of brute force. When a Nation lacks the capacity to identify what is important and what is not or shows an absence of deciding what is Right and what is Wrong, it goes in the way of the Sheep rather than the Shepherd.
When this happens, the Sheep will go blindly in the direction where the Shepherd will go. And the emergence of this one singular Charismatic individual is inevitable. All human societies show tolerance to the whims of a Leader especially in times of misery and hopelessness.
That’s why, expect a wrong one to be elected in 2010. Current sentiments say most people will elect the “lesser evil”. If we are now in this situation, the sociological imperative is paradigm shift. Why settle for the “lesser evil” when we can act to create a better situation for ourselves by not choosing any evil at all and settle for the good? Yet, whenever a mindset such as this prevails in a country where no firm collective consciousness exists, a repeat of the wrongs taken by this country in post-Martial law years is most apparent and when that happens, paradigm shifts of the most violent class enjoys more traction than those of the Gandhian.
The more we prep everybody up on this elections, the more people will see the hopelessness of things and the more they’ll go to the direction of looking for an ubermensch or a Caudillo, who will put order in the House. The bevy of aspirants to the top post is lacking not on qualifications; most lack the vision. And if the very ones who aspire for the presidency shows apparent misinterpretation of reality or has a differing view of what is important, what is right and what is wrong, then, definitely, anyone who fills that vacuum will make himself Master of a non-collective. Or, worst, the incumbent takes the cudgels of leadership and justifies an extension mainly on the basis of justified convenience. And creates his own collective.
That happened in 1972 when Marcos elected himself Sultan and ruled this country for 14 more years. That would surely happen in our case in 2010 if we fail to create a unified collective consciousness and expand our choices to include those who have the vision, but lack the capabilities to win. Or, at best, entertain the idea of a collective solution through a Council of leaders instead of relying mainly on One Person to solve numerous bureaucratic problems. If the elections fail, we can encourage all stakeholders to come together and form a transition government based on common welfare instead of allowing an extension of the incumbent. It is a paradigm shift which we desperately needed since the very inception of the second EDSA and which we failed as a Nation, to suggest.
If we are to really study Philippine History, we find that it’s really an unfinished story of a people longing for its own developed national consciousness. Throughout its 350 year history, no concrete Pinoy philosophical worldview has emerged, mainly due to the efforts of colonizers to subvert the growth of one. Likewise, the archipelagic nature of this country provided geographic barriers to the rise, and growth, of a truly Filipino interpretation of his reality.
Philippine history is a tug-of- war between those who have and those have nots. It’s not just about power that groups wage war of; it’s also about leadership in the change business. If we divide our story, we can conveniently divide it into two: the part where force is ascendant to effect change contrast with the present part where ideas seem to matter. It is in this realm where the elites and the counter-elites wage a struggle, each one desperately creating their niches while subverting each other to the detriment of the collective.
Come 2010, this Nation will have to face the reality of choosing which option to take—long-lasting change through extra-constitutional means or choose a palliative measure through elections. Whatever options the Filipino chooses, the same result will happen—it risks seeing the inevitable rise of a Pinoy ubermensch.
When a Nation, such as ours, faces extreme suffering and there is an absence of vision, that Nation treads a fate worst than economic distress. It faces the inevitable future based on the principle of brute force. When a Nation lacks the capacity to identify what is important and what is not or shows an absence of deciding what is Right and what is Wrong, it goes in the way of the Sheep rather than the Shepherd.
When this happens, the Sheep will go blindly in the direction where the Shepherd will go. And the emergence of this one singular Charismatic individual is inevitable. All human societies show tolerance to the whims of a Leader especially in times of misery and hopelessness.
That’s why, expect a wrong one to be elected in 2010. Current sentiments say most people will elect the “lesser evil”. If we are now in this situation, the sociological imperative is paradigm shift. Why settle for the “lesser evil” when we can act to create a better situation for ourselves by not choosing any evil at all and settle for the good? Yet, whenever a mindset such as this prevails in a country where no firm collective consciousness exists, a repeat of the wrongs taken by this country in post-Martial law years is most apparent and when that happens, paradigm shifts of the most violent class enjoys more traction than those of the Gandhian.
The more we prep everybody up on this elections, the more people will see the hopelessness of things and the more they’ll go to the direction of looking for an ubermensch or a Caudillo, who will put order in the House. The bevy of aspirants to the top post is lacking not on qualifications; most lack the vision. And if the very ones who aspire for the presidency shows apparent misinterpretation of reality or has a differing view of what is important, what is right and what is wrong, then, definitely, anyone who fills that vacuum will make himself Master of a non-collective. Or, worst, the incumbent takes the cudgels of leadership and justifies an extension mainly on the basis of justified convenience. And creates his own collective.
That happened in 1972 when Marcos elected himself Sultan and ruled this country for 14 more years. That would surely happen in our case in 2010 if we fail to create a unified collective consciousness and expand our choices to include those who have the vision, but lack the capabilities to win. Or, at best, entertain the idea of a collective solution through a Council of leaders instead of relying mainly on One Person to solve numerous bureaucratic problems. If the elections fail, we can encourage all stakeholders to come together and form a transition government based on common welfare instead of allowing an extension of the incumbent. It is a paradigm shift which we desperately needed since the very inception of the second EDSA and which we failed as a Nation, to suggest.
Monday, May 11, 2009
The History of the Filipino People
This is the second installment of the History of the Filipino People. This is another gift which I want to share with my fellow Filipinos throughout the world.
Let us not forget that we have a rich revolutionary history and we are not a people who will let injustice and tyranny reign in our beautiful country. Onward with the struggle towards a Just and Humane Society!
Let us not forget that we have a rich revolutionary history and we are not a people who will let injustice and tyranny reign in our beautiful country. Onward with the struggle towards a Just and Humane Society!
Thursday, February 28, 2008
A Trap
The hands of de-escalation experts are now being felt in the light of the ZTE deal. A concerted effort to de-escalate the continuing and increasing momentum of groups opposing and asking for Arroyo's head through the media, mass organisations and established institutions is being implemented involving the highest down to the lowest rungs of the regime. Millions of pesos are being spent ostensibly to control and take charge of the situation. Some media personalities have been compromised. Traps are being laid out to diffuse the boiling situation.
One such trap is the highly publicized CBCP emergency meeting. Operators of the palace allowed the media to heighten public expectation for a stronger CBCP statement, knowing fully well that the CBCP is a traditional institution and will not issue a stronger political statement other than the call for communal action. Historically, the CBCP has been known to be conservative, even as far back as the time of Marcos. That's the reason why Manila's Cardinal Sin stood up in the first place because the CBCP can't commit itself to oppose Marcos.
So, those groups who still peg their support for an ouster call through a Church leadership should not be dismayed. Rather, read Aries Rufo's article at NewsBreak which tells you why the CBCP can't really issue a denouncement of Arroyo's regime.
Groups should highlight instead the growing mass movement for enlightenment among the citizenry. That, in the absence of a strong singular leadership, groups should still express their sentiments against this creeping conjugal greed. I believe it would take a while for this thing to blossom into "people power" but, like I said in my previous blogs, time is not on the side of those who favor Arroyo's head. 2009 is just around the corner and if groups fail to maintain momentum and gain sufficient numbers of persuasion, then, it would be all over.
Thus said, it is highly important that groups work for the massing up of at least 100,000 people come Friday. Why? Because it would show that despite these concerted efforts at derailing their initiatives, the people still went there to express their anger against Arroyo.
Tomorrow's Friday mass rally should be a shining moment for Philippine history. It should be the fullest expression of collective action by a people fed up with the lies, with the corruption, with graft and the filth of the human soul.
One such trap is the highly publicized CBCP emergency meeting. Operators of the palace allowed the media to heighten public expectation for a stronger CBCP statement, knowing fully well that the CBCP is a traditional institution and will not issue a stronger political statement other than the call for communal action. Historically, the CBCP has been known to be conservative, even as far back as the time of Marcos. That's the reason why Manila's Cardinal Sin stood up in the first place because the CBCP can't commit itself to oppose Marcos.
So, those groups who still peg their support for an ouster call through a Church leadership should not be dismayed. Rather, read Aries Rufo's article at NewsBreak which tells you why the CBCP can't really issue a denouncement of Arroyo's regime.
Groups should highlight instead the growing mass movement for enlightenment among the citizenry. That, in the absence of a strong singular leadership, groups should still express their sentiments against this creeping conjugal greed. I believe it would take a while for this thing to blossom into "people power" but, like I said in my previous blogs, time is not on the side of those who favor Arroyo's head. 2009 is just around the corner and if groups fail to maintain momentum and gain sufficient numbers of persuasion, then, it would be all over.
Thus said, it is highly important that groups work for the massing up of at least 100,000 people come Friday. Why? Because it would show that despite these concerted efforts at derailing their initiatives, the people still went there to express their anger against Arroyo.
Tomorrow's Friday mass rally should be a shining moment for Philippine history. It should be the fullest expression of collective action by a people fed up with the lies, with the corruption, with graft and the filth of the human soul.
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