Martial law is about keeping the peace while they raid public coffers

Why is it that dictators and even those pseudo ones want nothing more than peace and order? Simple--they don't want anybody to howl while they quietly raid our treasury of gold bars and remittance dollars.

Martial law is not about preserving the state for some real threat. Threats are always imagined ones. When Marcos declared martial law in 1972, he portrayed the ragtag gang of Jose Maria Sison bigger and stronger than what it truly was back then. Reason? Marcos was a U.S. stooge and one of the United States' State Department allies during the Cold War. For his plan to work, Marcos had to appease his imperialist masters and calm the frayed nerves of the international community.

Martial law is not about the future--it is always about the present. Marcos never really cared if, by declaring martial law, he ran the economy aground. He never cared if the military caused untold suffering to the rural folks even in Ilocandia. Surely, he did not care if an entire generation lost their illustrious members and deprive the people of the intelligence of its sons and daughters. No. It was about consolidation of power, of the Marcos' family becoming the most powerful and the wealthiest family in all of Filipino-landia.

Imelda Marcos harbored ill-feelings for the Manila-based socialites who looked at her as a probinsyana (provincial). She was always jealous of their riches, of their mores, and of their education. When martial law was declared, Imelda immediately became the prime dona, the center of gravity and the host of lavish parties all funded by the people's hard-earned monies.

Ever wondered why Imelda had those 10,000 pairs of shoes, those expensive Rembrandts and Manansalas, those sparkling jewels, that big carbon rock and those authentic animal furs? She always told people that she had to dress up for foreigners not to look down upon Filipinos. Well, madame, foreigners would praise you to high heavens if they saw all Filipinos, well-dressed, well-mannered and well fed, which, unfortunately, even at the height of Marcos' glory during Martial law, did not happen.

Martial law is not about anti-criminality--it is always about the monopoly of crimes. Under a dictatorship, nothing happens without the knowledge and approval of the ruling Power. Wonder why addiction persisted and even grew to astronomical heights despite the military occupying nightclubs, bars and even homes? Don't tell me heinous crimes such as murders, rapes, kidnappings, bank robberies stopped for a long time while we were under martial law? The fact was---it even grew. How about smuggling? Pre-martial law days, it was the monopoly of a few Chinos. Enter martial law and another player entered into the picture---military men.

I remember one of my friends, the son of the head of the Binondo central bank sharing with me how their family grew in wealth during martial law. Because Marcos controlled even the flow of foreign currencies, particularly the dollar, businessmen had to rely on his father to supply them with much needed dollars from Hongkong. Biyaheras who were beautiful Chinoys recruited from Binondo frequented Hongkong with their luggages full of worthless pesos, exchanged in dollars somewhere at Hongkong central and then quietly brought to the Philippines for sale to exporters and importers.

Martial law is not about true peace--it is about complicit silence. Marcos wanted everybody to keep their silence while he, along with his family and their cronies, slit the throats of dissenters, open the bank accounts of their enemies, raid the private vaults of businessmen, and steal those gold bars from the Treasury with a note left saying " This is for safekeeping."

Martial law is not about truth--- it is about forced acceptance. Martial law changed our values. Before, Filipinos had "hiya", which is very difficult to transliterate in English. We, Filipinos, respect individual rights, to property, life and liberty. We sacrificed so much for our freedoms only to see it crumble under the crucible of tyranny.

These memories are forty five years old. However, some people, including our President is salivating for its return, not because he wants to curb drug addiction--he is wiser now and accepts the fact that he can't really solve an institutional problem by systematically killing everybody. Of course, Duterte realizes now that the ills of Filipino society cannot just be wished away by a magician's wand or a stroke of a pen. And surely, Duterte is wishing for his immortalization in our history books as the second man to plunge this country into darkness and chaos, which he is already doing, without even writing a Proclamation.

Duterte, despite his old age, wants more power. He enjoyed the sweet smell of power and he wants to sniff more. When he says that he does not want the presidency and anytime he's willing to back down and leave, don't believe a single word! Power is Duterte's nicotine. Look at how Duterte's face shine whenever he hears someone killed by cops or when he sees destruction, the likes he saw in Marawi. For 23 years, Duterte satisfied himself with killing small fries, and ordering the massacre of families and barangays. As President, Duterte realizes how powerful the position is. He always says he owns the military and the police. Duterte sometimes attack oligarchs because he loves reading how scared these oligarchs are in his favorite newspapers, even the Inquirer. He has billions of pesos at his disposal, cavalierly giving those to cops who kill even innocents just to be at par with others, enriched by Duterte's blood monies.

Duterte does not care if forty five years and billions spent for the de-militarization of the police organization. Duterte does not give a damn if innocents fall by the wayside, who are, for him, unfortunate casualties in an imagined war. Duterte loves wars. He finds satisfaction, like an LSD addict, whenever a bomb explodes in Marawi, whenever news about thousands of evacuees fill the headlines and whenever a police team barges in someone's home and mows everybody down including the owner's dog.

Duterte hates addicts. He wants to kill them. Yeah, right.

The Marcos comeback---what are we afraid of?

Thirty years had passed, and the members of the Marcos Family are back in power. Former first lady Imelda Marcos is now a Congresswoman while her kids, Imee and Ferdinand "Bongbong" Junior occupy local and national posts. The fact is--Bongbong is now running for the vice presidency, a step away from the presidency.

Contrast that 30 years ago, when we saw them arriving at the Hawaii airport, most of them in tears, with their assistants, carrying bags and bags full of clothes, monies, and pieces of jewelry. Those were the only things they were able to carry with them when they left the palace the place they stayed in power for more than 14 years. The Marcos family left in a jiffy, afraid of the hundreds if not thousands of Filipinos who managed to enter Malacanan palace the night before. Images caught on television showed Filipinos stomping on paintings showing the faces of Imelda and Ferdie and their kids, various documents scattered around, even images of hospital equipment were shown, which validated rumors that the strongman was sick with Lupus, a debilitating disease.

It was not just the Marcos family who hurriedly left the country--the strongman's cronies also left in a hurry, some of them Danding Cojuangco and the rest of Imelda's Blue Ladies. General Ver who recommended that tanks be sent to blow up the soldiers and people massing at EDSA also escaped.

Those images still stuck in my mind.  While pro-Marcos forces retreated into the darkness of the night, the victors, allies of Cory Aquino and the opposition began occupying Malacanan and discussing what to do.

Most of the idealistic elements of the first EDSA had already left us---Jose Diokno, the elder Tanada, Joker Arroyo, and only Salonga, Saguisag, Enrile, and members of the RAM are still here. For 30 years, the scourge that Marcos tried to erase from the face of Philippine politics: the politico-economic oligarchs are on the comeback. When the EDSA pioneers chose democracy and installed a Republican democratic state which espouses neo-liberalist economy, the choice was never made as a consideration towards the improvement of the lives of the people. That choice was decided as a compromise among "the rebellious elite" and the "losing elite".

Like what Marcos did when he abandoned his initial dream of constructing a better Philippines and instead chose to just institute what he called a "benevolent dictatorship", the pioneers of EDSA did exactly the same to bring back what they thought is the socio-political balance.

Meaning--it brought back peace among contending elite groups but that incident was never used as an institutional policy for the building of a truly just and humane society. EDSA Uno became a lip-service, even now, a necrological reminder of the true state of democracy which if you look at the theme of the EDSA commission says much as what I meant here.

The spontaneous action and bravery shown by thousands of patriotic fathers and mothers were hijacked and turned into a political brand of another family and their political allies and economic benefactors.  The Marcoses have their martial law, the Aquinos their EDSA. For 30 years, the politics of this country became a tug-of-war between two contending elites with contrasting views about what to do with this disaster-wracked country of 101 million souls. There is but one that always made them unite--profits.  When government projects are concerned, the slight difference in political philosophy disappears and slowly melts with the sight of potential profits from the public coffers.

Some of these EDSA pioneers eventually showed their true colors and one by one, transformed into hideous monsters worse than Marcos because of their ambitions of becoming gods themselves.
And while these former counter-elites slowly re-enters the scene and fight among themselves the spoils which the Marcoses left, these selfish elites left the people fending for themselves. Critical infrastructures were left rotting, social services sold to the highest bidder and every single thing sold all in the name of globalization and privatization.

That initial euphoria slowly turned into a disappointing sigh until it now became a feeling of apathy, of disenchantment and of disfranchisement. Those in the know tries almost every day to at least take care of the light initially lit at EDSA. Some of them went into government service only to find it a humongous hydra controlled by greedy men already syndicated and are in control.

The people rage into the night. The conditions that led them to EDSA became institutions and in spite of democracy, the struggle now became harder. Yes, everyone enjoys the right to express oneself. However,  words mean nothing to a people oppressed.

Why are we so afraid of a Marcos comeback? Are we afraid to see our own images whenever we see theirs?

We are afraid because the Marcoses symbolize the worst in us. We must actually be so afraid because that would justify what foreigners think of us---a freckled minded, confused people who have a warped view of "forgiveness" and "of being accommodating."

Imagine--we say alright to those who robbed us blind, who stole billions from us, and even publicly praise these people and we even give them leis as our form of praise.

We say we are religious and we follow Jesus and Gandhi. Yet, we don't really follow them--it's just lip-service to us. Because if we truly follow Jesus, we would militate against the corrupt among us and punish them before forgiving them.

Imagine this---those who benefitted from the excesses of the past left this land without harm and came back strong using the very same monies by which they bought our freedom and paid their way towards infamy. They never tasted jail. They never even experienced how it is to suffer from the very sins they committed to us or what their forebears did to us.

Reconciliation without justice is nothing. For only justice can bring peace to this land.
I say--let those who benefitted from the past, be held accountable now. Give us back our monies. Give us our dignity as a people.

Resist the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012!

Presidential spokesperson Edwin Lacierda told Noemi Dado, a blogger, that freedom comes daw with responsibility. Or for some one to enjoy his rights, one needs to know that there is a corresponding responsibility into it.

Yes, we know that Mr. Lacierda. The thing about responsibilities is, the thing which a person needs to be responsible for must be clear and legal.

In the case of this Cybercrime Prevention Act, it is patently illegal and smells like shit.

Section 4 of the 1987 Constitution is very clear---no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people to peaceably assemble.."

This Constitutional provision is paramount, above every other single law there is about freedoms and liberties in expression. 

Now, here comes the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 which initially seeks to punish certain acts of individuals online. The Cybercrime law has laid down several acts which, at first glance, are harmless and okey since these pertain to divergent behaviors of online users, mostly programmers and Black Hats.

However, upon closer inspection of the law, those who crafted the final version of this law, inserted a very insidious provision--that of libel. Reading the provision, one might conclude that it was as harmless and as "regular" as what we read about Article 353 of the Revised Penal Code, which punishes utterances meant to affect the reputation or name of a person or entity. These utterances should be meant to impute a crime or a commission of a crime, and it should be done "with malice".

There is no doubt---libelous statements do not have a space in the democratic society. However, the very definition of libel per se depends on so many factors, one of which is the perception of the receiver of the action.

Perception depends on so many things, one of which is basically ethno-cultural.

This law puts the accused with two counts of the same crime---a violation of a special law and a violation of a code. Meaning, you will be meted with violating Article 353 and this provision of a Republic Act---all in the same act! Is that double jeopardy or what?

Another defect of this law is allowing state security agencies to get computer data prior to filing a case against the perpetuator. This has a Martial Law flavor to it that I really don't want to delve into it much longer.

Instead of promoting the Freedom of Information Act, what this pseudo-democratic government pursued was an act further criminalizing thought, ideas and opinions.

Government's idea of democracy is patently delusional and different from what democracy is  really all about.

Democracy is when you can say what you want, do what you want but with one limitation---do it without harming others.

In the case of libel, if another person feels that he was harmed by another's statement, you can charge him.

You don't however, punish him for an act which is still in  infancy. That is pathetically absurd.

I imagine President Aquino hiding behind the cloak of this law because he is unable to hide behind the shirts of his sisters.

Martial Law--what it really was and why we suffered

A week from now, and we will be commemorating that day when former President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law. It was September 21, 1972 when "Macoy", the monicker of the former dictator, signed Proclamation 1081 placing the entire Philippines under Martial law.

Proclamation 1081 should be understood in what it intended to happen--it was a strongest expression of the State against what it deemed to be a "creeping" Communist menace. Understand that unlike today, when Communism and Socialism have been deemed legal and hence, not necessarily a serious threat to the stability of the Republic, back then, there was a serious tug-of-war between global powers. There were two contending forces then--the United States which champions capitalism, and the U.S.S.R., a union of Soviet Republics, which positioned itself as the leading guidance in Marxism-Leninism. 

Asia was the battlefield of ideologies at that time. Communist armed movements have sprouted in almost all parts of Asia. China, which had its revolution in 1949, was the first big convert to Socialism, although at that time, it was entering a cultural flux. 

Vietnam, Cambodia and some countries in mainland Asia were fighting ideological wars. Socialism was so pervasive in the minds of that generation, that the entire world were actively discussing it and sharing opinions and views. In the Middle East, Socialist forces were also ousting governments and changing the very landscape of the once US-dominated region.

The Philippines was no different. At that time, our country was at the height of decadence. Our imports were being sold everywhere in the known world, both in capitalist and non-capitalist countries. However, a great disparity exists between trading partners bigger than us and our country. This disparity has affected the economic structure that, as we increase trade, it makes us poorer than richer. Our so-called "trade parity" agreements were not as encouraging as what we thought it would be, because frankly at that time, we were still recovering from the serious effects of war. Industries were just recovering. The social landscape, meanwhile, still bore marks of a debilitating war and the subsequent agrarian rebellion that happened shortly after.

Having said that, those sixties and early seventies saw a society being ruled by petty Kings who thought that they own a piece of Philippine territory. They sowed terror throughout the archiepelago. Crime and violence were at its all time high. People can't really go out from their homes without equipping themselves with arms. 

Beneath the veneer of a disquieted society, being forced to acquiesce from a vastly emerging new ilustrado, lies a social movement waiting for things to reach a boiling point. This movement was a product of decades old problems tied with land ownership. The sixties saw how these movements grew and grew until eventually, it grew into a Socialist-inspired insurgency.

This insurgency, having ideological dominance in the social and public spheres, became a serious threat to the survival of a decadent capitalist society. 

The New Ilustrado represented by new emergent powers like the Marcoses saw this movement as a direct threat to their very existence. Socialism called for a drastic overhaul of the entire system, which, at that time, was a necessity, if the People wanted to grow economically. 

This Socialist movement took arms against the legitimate government. Thus, the State had to unleash its strongest defense---a legal prescription against a brewing rebellion.

Had the strategy back then was patterned along the Cuban Revolution, Martial law would not have lasted that long. Yes, there was a growing agrarian-based revolt, yet, it had reached its apex when the Huks nearly took control of the capital during Taruc's time. Now, that it was marginalized, the new Socialists should have realized was its enormous influence and power over even remnants of the national bourgeoisie. It should have exploited it to a point of reaching a full revolution.

No, the New Socialists concentrated on going to the countryside and fight the enemy away from the very center of power. It was upon the false assumption that the movement was still weak and small. Yes, in terms of military preparedness, it was. The ratio of combatants versus state agencies was lopsided in favor of government. 

What it lacked in firepower, the movement compensated in influence. Socialism was a pervasive public topic during those times, and many among urban dwellers had subscribed to it. 

But no. The error of previous movements past, afflicted even the New Socialists who thought of battalions against battalions. They forgot the concept of a true revolution--that revolutions sprout from the warm loam soil of public discontent. Had these New Socialists concentrated on bringing into life the revolution "from within" and poured their energies into transforming the center into a revolutionary hub, Martial law would not have lasted that long. 

Martial law--a painless inocculation

September 21, 1972 was the day when Marcos declared our second Martial Law. Jose Laurel was the first one under threat of an invasion. Marcos' version was of a "smiling Martial Law". And he succeeded.

What is the meaning of a smiling Martial law? One former Marcos detainee, a friend of mine, described it as a "painless inocculation". While another one, this time, a colleague in the underground says, it is more of "circumcision, lots of blood, but with less pain". Wow.

While researching for materials about Martial law, I remembered Eman and his brother Pete Lacaba. Eman was a creative force in the anti-Marcos movement, a martyr-ed poet who expressed his generation's rage against Martial law. While Pete served as his generation's chronicler.

If we actually read and look back, martial rule was imposed by Marcos specifically to address a raging revolution against his illegal rule. Remember that street protests exploded when Marcos rigged the elections and tried to exhaust all legal means to extend his rule. What I observed between what Marcos did before and what Arroyo is now doing, at least Marcos had the gall to debate with those who oppose him. Marcos was at least brave enough to challenge those who oppose him to a debate. While you know how Mrs. Arroyo always try to avoid public scrutiny especially when she issues a debatable or controversial measure, like this creature called Proclamation 1959.

Let us look back in History and learn from it. This is the account of Pete Lacaba in the Philippine Free Press, dated February 7, 1970.

And the January 30 Insurrection, February 7, 1970

February 7, 1970



And the January 30 Insurrection

–Jose F. Lacaba


JANUARY 26 seemed explosive enough—but it was a whimper compared with the horrendous bang of January 30. The papers called January 26 a riot. January 30 was something else. “This is no longer a riot,? said a police officer. “This is an insurrection? And the President called it a revolt—“a revolt by local Maoist Communists?

January 26 was a Monday. On Tuesday the students met to plan a series of new rallies denouncing police brutality, and the President conferred with police officials. On Wednesday the President had a talk with some student leaders in Malacañang. On Thursday four groups of demonstrators, one of them led by U.P. President S. P. Lopez himself, staged simultaneous demonstrations at Malacañang, Congress, and Maharnilad. On Friday several other student groups held a sit-in outside the Malacañang gates—and just as their manifestation was about to end, all hell broke loose.

Tuesday, about 120 leaders, representing 36 schools and at least a dozen national youth organizations, gathered at the Far Eastern University. NUSP President Edgar Jopson, of the Ateneo, presided over the three-hour meeting, during which a resolution was passed demanding the resignation of certain officials of law enforcement agencies, and Friday was set as the starting date of the series of rallies. While the students were conferring at the FEU, the President was in a huddle with law enforcement officials in Malacañang. He told them to be “more tolerant to the future leaders of the country? and ordered them to drop the charges against the students arrested on January 26.

Wednesday, Mayor Villegas announced that the Manila police would stay away from future demonstrations to avoid trouble, but that they would stand by, “within beck and call of violence erupts? The NUSP and the National Students’ League rejected an invitation to meet with the President in Malacañang, saying they preferred to have the talks on Friday. Another group of student leaders went there anyway and heard the President say: “I personally do not want to have anything to do with the Constitutional Convention? The Senate and the House created a committee to investigate the “root causes of demonstrations in general? The Manila police filed complaints of alarm and scandal against 18 students caught in the battle of Burgos Drive. “The whole world is in ferment and youth is on the march? said Brigadier General Vicente Raval of the PC. “It is essential that, in our country, we take the greatest care in dealing with the problem? He proposed the immediate acquisition of “non-lethal equipment for the police and urged that they be re-trained in “the highly sensitive science of dealing with demonstrators?

Thursday, there were four groups of demonstrators. Students from the Philippine Normal College and members of the College Editors Guild of the Philippines held separate rallies. Students from the University of the East gathered first at Malacañang, then moved on to Maharnilad, where trouble was avoided when a policeman whose jeep was stoned simply drove away without a fight. When the UE students left Malacañang, the UP professors, led by S. P. Lopez, arrived and were angrily reprimanded by the President: “You yourselves are vague and confused about the issues you have raised against the government? The President challenged any Communist in the group to a debate, and when a student leader accused him of using the army and the Special Forces in the elections, he asked: “Are you a Liberal? Meanwhile, police reporters agreed to wear distinctive uniforms when covering demonstrations, to avoid being stoned by students and clobbered by cops.

And then it was Friday, January 30.

Again, there were simultaneous demonstrations. To Congress went members of the KM, the SDK, the MPKP, and other militant groups. The NUSP and the NSL marched on Malacañang.

At about three in the afternoon, Jopson, Portia Ilagan of the NSL, and other student leaders went into Malacañang for a meeting with the President.

Sometime past five, the rally at Congress came to an end, and the demonstrators marched on to Malacañang, arriving there at about six.

What specific event precipitated the battled that spread out to other parts of the city, and lasted till dawn the next day, may never be known. The students who came from Congress claim that, as they were approaching J. P. Laurel Street, they heard something that sounded like firecrackers going off. When they got to Malacañang, the crowd was getting to be unruly. It was growing dark, and the lamps on the Malacañang gates had not been turned on. There was a shout of “Sindihan ang ilaw! Sindihan ang ilaw! Malacañang obliged, the lights went on, and then crash! A rock blasted out one of the lamps. One by one, the lights were put out by stones or sticks.

A commotion was now going on at the Mendiola gate of the Palace. A firetruck inside the Palace grounds advanced and trained its hoses on the student rebels. The students retreated, and a brief period of lull followed. At about seven, a truck from the Manila Fire Department, responding to an alarm, came up from Sta. Mesa, its sirens dead, and slowed down in front of St. Jude Church. The firemen probably intended to blast away at the students, but water must really be scarce. Nothing but an ineffectual, sputtering spurt came out of their water cannon. The students charged, the truck backed off—but not fast enough. The firemen who were not quick to flee got beaten up.

The rebels now had a captured firetruck at their disposal. They drove it toward the Mendiola gate and used it as a battering ram of sorts until the locks gave away, the chains broke, and the gate clanked open. Into the breach surged the more daring demonstrators. They had apparently come prepared for the assault. They lobbed molotovs and pillboxes into the Palace grounds; the flames spread down the road when the molotovs crashed to the ground, the nails and broken pieces of glass scattered when the pillboxes exploded.

Once inside the gate, the rebels stoned the buildings and set fire to the truck and to a government car that happened to be parked nearby. Before they could wreak more havoc, however, the Presidential Guard Battalion came out in force. They fired into the air and, when the rebs held their ground, fired tear gas bombs at them. The rebs retreated; the few how were slow on their feet, or were blinded by the tear gas, got caught in the Palace grounds and were beaten up with rifle butts and billy clubs and good old-fashioned fists and feet.

About this time, reinforcements from the Constabulary arrived, later to be joined by the army, the navy, and the Metrocom. The pattern of the January 26 battle was repeated: the military would attack, the students would retreat; the students would counterattack, the military would draw back. At about nine, the soldiers had gained control of Mendiola and J. P. Laurel. The students were holding Tuberias, Legarda, and Claro M. Recto; some had retreated down Arlegui and into Quiapo, where looters took advantage of the situation in the Lacson Underpass, breaking display windows and grabbing jewelry and shoes.

On Tuberias, when I got there at about nine o’clock, the students were turning away all vehicles. The soldiers were at the corner of Tuberias and Mendiola, and steadily advancing. The students held their ground, hurling rocks, until they heard the sound of rifles being cocked. Then they scattered, some jumping over high walls into the yards of houses, others being voluntarily let in by apartment inhabitants. I fell in with a small group that took shelter at the mouth of a dark alley. A boy of about 12, in slippers, obviously a resident of the place, said there was a way out if we wanted to take a chance. He guided us down the long dark winding alley, down narrow catwalks, past walls smelling of urine, past accessorias with crumbling facades, until we came out, to our surprise, on Claro M. Recto.

At the end of Recto, where it hits Legarda, the students were massed, tense, turbulent, flinging rock and insults at the men in uniform—they looked like Constabulary troopers—guarding the bridge that leads to Mendiola. In the center of the cross formed by Recto, Mendiola, and Legarda was a burning jeep, its flames a bright yellow curtain separating the combatants. From the left side of Legarda came more shouts; there were other demonstrators there, and the troopers had to guard the bridge against two armies of students, one attacking from the front, the other attacking from the side.

It was at this point, with the students closing in from Recto and Legarda, that the troopers started firing—rat-tat-tat-tat-tat, the sound of a Thompson submachine gun—into the ground. Dust and tiny pebbles exploded from the cement and, where I stood, two rows behind the front lines, I felt a sudden sharp stinging pain in my chest. I’m hit, I thought, when I saw spots of blood on my shirt front; but since I didn’t fall, I gingerly unbuttoned my shirt. Imbedded right below my right nipple was an itty-bitty piece of cement. I carefully pulled it out and was examining it like a jeweler scrutinizing some precious gem from the moon when, before my eyes, there passed a student, supported by his comrades, one of his hands—the right, I think—now nothing more than a mess of blood and burning flesh, the fingers dangling like dead worms attached to his wrist only by a few threads of broken bones.

I was standing there in horror when another student, limping, fell into my arms. I recognized him to be one of the students who had come with us through the alley from Tuberias. He had one wound on his right leg, below the knee, and another on the outer ankle bone. A bystander watching from the sidewalk helped me carry him up Claro M. Recto, where we found a white car—a Taunus, I think—whose owner was good enough to take us to the UE Memorial Hospital. There they treated my very minor wound, but they could do nothing, they said, for the boy who had been shot in the leg. We then took a taxi—the owner of the car had gone back to the battle scene, looking for some fraternity brods—and brought our ward to the Orthopedic Hospital, where, at that very moment, as bad luck would have it, a small fire was raging on one of the upper floors. The fire did something to the X-rays, and the interns had to put the wounded boy’s leg in a cast, unable to check if a bullet was in his system.

The doctors at the Orthopedic Hospital agreed to let the wounded student stay for the night, until his friends or relatives could be contacted; and the bystander who had helped me carry the boy now invited me to his apartment house in Sampaloc for coffee and conversation. It was about midnight. When we were near his place, we saw that Legarda was still in tumult. So we forgot all about the coffee and off to the battlefield we went again.

The demonstrators had captured an army truck near the market, near a PNB branch, and a noisy debate on what to do with it was going on. Some wanted to push the truck into the line of Metrocom and army men down the road, but its wheels had been punctured and this proved to be a difficult task. Others wanted to burn the truck down, and indeed someone threw a lighted match into the sheets of paper that had been dumped inside the truck. Another demonstrator, however, quickly jumped onto the truck and stomped out the fire; the houses were too close, he said, “h’wag na nating idamay ‘yong mga tao."

While the debate continued, two more army trucks beamed their headlights on the demonstrators and started moving forward, followed by the soldiers. The students started throwing stones. Some toughies in the area who had come out to join the demonstrators used slingshots, but kept swearing under their breath because they had no stock of homemade arrows. “Metrocom!went the shout. “Sumuko na kamo! Bato ini! The soldiers kept advancing, and then they started firing with Thompsons into the ground. We all scattered, except for one boy who did not even flinch and called to everybody to return. “Balik kayo, balik!he cried. “Hindi magpapaputok nang deretso ‘yan!I don’t know what happened to him, because when another round of firing started, I found myself in another dark alley, with a new group of companions.

When I got out again, the army truck was gone, and the soldiers were back at the corner of Recto and Legarda. A long lull followed, about 30 minutes. Then the soldiers started to advance again, someone hurled a molotov cocktail at them, they charged, cocking their guns and following us right into dark alleys where, as before, the demonstrators found doors being opened to them, or people at second-floor windows warning them with gestures about the presence of soldiers in alleys the demonstrators would enter. I somehow got separated from all my companions and found myself all alone under a kulahan, sitting on damp cement. The resident of an apartment house across the alley saw me and discreetly turned off his lights.

Quiet once more. I emerged from my hiding place and walked out into a street from which I could see the church on Earnshaw. There was a small group of students clustered at the door of an accessoria, talking animatedly, and I joined them. I was listening to them relate their experiences when, at the corner of Earnshaw and this street we were in, a squad of Metrocom men appeared. Everybody fled, except myself, two students, and the occupants of the accessoria, who worriedly told us to get in if we didn’t want to get hurt. In that dark, dingy, cramped accessoria, the two students and I stayed for a whole hour, seated on the steps of very narrow stairs, gulping down glasses and glasses of water, smoking, talking in whispers—“Rebolusyon na ito, brod,they said—until the coast was clear.

It was three o’clock in the morning when we came out. Later that morning, the papers said that four students, some of them non-demonstrators, had been killed: Feliciano Roldan of FEU, Ricardo Alcantara of UP, Fernando Catabay of MLQU, and Bernardo Tausa of Mapa High School. Almost 300 demonstrators and bystanders were arrested; most of them were detained at Camp Crame.

That night, the President appeared on television to inform the nation of the “premeditated attack on the government, an act of rebellion and subversion, which the military had successfully repulsed. “The mob that attempted to burn Malacañang, he said, “was not a mob of students, nor were they simply arsonists. They waved red banners, carried the flag with the red portion up, called the streets they occupied “liberated areas, and shouted “Dante for President! Therefore, said the President, “these men dedicated to an evil purpose, and that is to destroy Malacañang Palace and/or take it over. The plan to take over Malacañang, he went on, was hatched by either one or both of two groups—“one of them Communist-inspired and the other one not Communist-inspired. Both groups were under surveillance.

To his nation, the President had a message: “Rest assured that the situation is under control. Rest assured that we will maintain peace and order. Malacañang Palace is well guarded, but more than this, the country and our government is well guarded. There is no takeover by any group of the military or of the civilian government. In the matter of the preparation of the plans of reaction against any attempt to take over this government, the action that will be taken will be well-studied, deliberate, cautious, and legal, and there will be no attempt to curtail constitutional freedom.

To the “insurrectionary elements, he gave warning: “Any attempt at the forcible overthrow of the government will be put down immediately. I will not tolerate nor will I allow Communists to take over.

The same day, the nation learned that the retirement date of General Raval of the PC, which was supposed to be on February 1, had been postponed to April 1. The entire Armed Forces of the Philippines were on red alert.

Gonzales will push for Martial Law: Oplan Alpha in full gear

Defense secretary Norberto Gonzales, Mrs. Arroyo's Rasputin, was conspicuously absent last night at the Joint Session of Congress. Ermita said Gonzales was on a very important mission to Singapore.

A check with a source says that Gonzales met with three generals, an Ateneo professor, two representatives of businessmen, a member of the clergy, three former government officials and at least four civil society leaders in a hotel along Orchard Road (near Bugis junction) in Singapore.

Where did these groups met (they are still meeting)? Raffles Hotel lobby.

The topic? Martial law in the Philippines come December or January of 2010.

The critical issue? How to shore up support for such a declaration.

The problem? How to neutralize negative views from the US. The US, thru the Department of State, has issued a negative reaction on Proclamation 1959. Gonzales fears that the US will support oppositionist groups in the event of a declaration of martial law.

Gonzales is ready to implement his Machievellian plan. And surely, and I believe it will be Orwellian in the end game.

Petitions against Proclamation 1959 will suffer defeat

For those who oppose martial law in Maguindanao, and with Senators saying that they stand to lose in an administration-dominated Lower House, the Supreme Court remains as the last venue for recourse.  Atty. Harry Roque, one of four petitioners who filed petitions questioning Proclamation 1959, prays that the Highest Court of the land stand steadfast against the martial law declaration.

I don't know if Harry knows but, the Supreme Court can only tackle one thing--whether or not there is factual and legal bases for the declaration. They cannot rule against the wisdom of the proclamation since that will be an intrusion into Executive power. The Highest Tribunal cannot also intrude into the legality of such proclamations since it is already an established Power under the 1987 Constitution.

The question really---did Mrs. Arroyo used her powers under the Constitution judiciously and within the boundaries given by law? Was there no abuse of such powers under the Constitution?

Now, I hate to say it but, I think even these petitions will suffer defeat, not because the Tribunal is being dominated by Arroyo appointees, no. The SC can only tackle if these facts, as stated in Mrs. Arroyo's report to Congress and construing the face of the Proclamation 1959 itself, are true. If these facts are true, then, the Supreme Court cannot question the wisdom behind the issuance of the proclamation. The SC also cannot contravene whether Mrs. Arroyo exercised her powers judiciously since that is not within the powers as contemplated by the Constitution. The hands of the Court are tied. Even if they all oppose the declaration, they cannot use that as a basis for declaring Proclamation 1959 as legally infirm and therefore, revocable.

Hence, expect defeat this early. Martial law will remain in Maguindanao, and possibly, even affect other provinces in Mindanao. This early, talks are rife that even Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur will be under martial law. It would not surprise me if Mrs. Arroyo place the entire Mindanao, except Surigao del Norte, Surigao del Sur and Zamboanga peninsula under military rule. That is not impossible.

What is very unsettling is the recent demand of the AFP for authorities to extend the period of martial law until May 2010. This will affect the results of the national elections in May 2010.

Seems like this government, with a collusion with the military, is forcing a non-proclamation scenario.

Slow Response of Congress Against Martial Rule is Portent of Things To Come

Sloooooow r-e-s-p-o-n-s-e.

It should have been today yet members of Congress decided that they will instead convene tomorrow to tackle Proclamation 1959. Constitutionalist Christian Monsod said Congress should have convened last Sunday or even "as late" as Monday (yesterday), but they did not.

Is this the kind of response we will expect later when Mrs. Arroyo decides to finally push the envelope further and declare the entire country under martial law? It has been days and surely rights have been violated if at all dis-respected in Maguindanao.

The slow response shown by both Houses reflect how poorly these Honorable Gentlemen and Ladies regard human rights. Every second and minute lost equates one or two people's rights to freedom violated.

It also shows political reality at best---that an administration-dominated House can actually wield more power than an oppositionist Senate.

These kinds of scenario are emboldening Mrs. Arroyo. This "experiment" in Martial law is only fuelling her base desires for another crack at it.

Now, if the Arroyo-dominated Supreme Court rules in favor of Martial law, that completes the entire picture. Surely, that will give the ultimate signal to those who want to extend the term of Mrs. Arroyo that the opposition is still weak and they can practically do whatever they want.

Woe to democracy in this country.

Oplan Alpha

Oplan Alpha, an alleged plot to declare martial law in the Philippines, was planned a week after Defense secretary Gilbert "Gibo" Teodoro agreed to become Lakas-KAMPI CMD presidential bet. The plot involves heightening tensions in Mindanao leading to a situation where it is untenable for the government not to declare martial law in the region.

Oplan Alpha, a source says, also aims to suspend the conduct of the elections in May 10, 2010 and extend the term of the President for two years.

The Oplan Alpha calls for the heightening also of tensions in the capital, which the government will link with the situation in Mindanao. A "self-coup", code name " Restoration", will be staged and will be blamed against named enemies of the state. This "Restoration" plan will be the last action leading to a December declaration of martial law.

If this is not possible, planners of Oplan Alpha will try to do it by the second week of January 2010.

Aims of Oplan Alpha:

1. Arrest and detention of enemies of the State, namely, Leftists and some elements of Samahang Magdalo.

2. Take-over of installations of government and private companies.

3. Communication of intentions before foreign dignitaries to shore up international support.

4. Forty eight hours stoppage of all communication and control of sensitive private communications facilities.

5. Putting under house arrest sympathetic and "counter-revolutionary" members of the AFP and PNP.

Martial Law in Maguindanao: What shall we do?

Proclamation 1959 was the third time Martial law was availed of by government as an emergency measure.

The first time was when President Jose P. Laurel, the government caretaker, declared martial rule when foreign invaders entered Manila. The Laurel proclamation was deemed judicious because the country was then under invasion.

The second was the classic Proclamation 1081 on September 21, 1972 by former president Ferdinand Edralin Marcos. The country was not under invasion; rather there was an ensuing rebellion. Under the 1945 Constitution, there were only two instances when Martial law can be declared: invasion, rebellion or insurrection. “ Lawless violence“, this term in the Philippine Constitution describes the condition caused by either invasion or rebellion, but not as an independent condition by itself. There may be lawless violence but the answer is not Martial law but the application of the full force of the law.


In Proclamation 1081, Marcos was actually right in the application of Martial law. There was an existing rebellion. Jose Maria Sison already founded the Communist Party of the Philippines and has since created rebel camps and assassination squads as early as 1970. Student protests were all over. With this rebellion, lawless violence ensued and even affected the capital. Hence, the President had the right to call out the Armed Forces to quell the rebellion.

Remember that these two instances–the Laurel and Marcos proclamations—there were two existing conditions–the country was invaded by a foreign power (Laurel) while there was domestic instability caused by a Communist rebellion (Marcos).


Now, let’s see if this Proclamation 1959 of Mrs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo satisfies the requisites as provided by the 1987 Constitution for the declaration of Martial law.

In the 1987 Constitution, there are actually three conditions stated: invasion, rebellion or coup d’etat. Clearly, the Constitution meant for these conditions to be existing prior to a declaration. Martial rule, as a concept, was never meant to be used as either a deterrent nor as a pre-emptive measure. The framers of the Constitution specifically used the word “suppress” to express the real intention of Section 18, Article 7 of the Constitution.


Now, what causes confusion in the interpretation of this provision in the 1987 Constitution?


It is the inclusion of the word “prevent” in the first sentence that gives every President the legal basis for calling out the Armed Forces even if the threat is just “imminent”. Look at how Section 18 was framed:

Section 18. The President shall be the Commander-in-Chief of all armed forces of the Philippines and whenever it becomes necessary, he may call out such armed forces to PREVENT or SUPPRESS lawless violence, invasion or rebellion (include coup d’etat)

It is clear that the President has the power to call out the armed forces to address these four conditions. But, is this the paragraph that justifies martial law? No. The second sentence of the same provision is clearly what the Framers actually intended as a condition for the proclamation of martial law.

“…In case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it, he may, for a period not exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus OR place the Philippines or any part thereof under martial law.”

Clearly, there are only TWO conditions, which must exist, BEFORE the President can actually declare martial law—invasion or rebellion.

In the case of Maguindanao, Proclamation 1959 was issued at a time when the military has already neutralized members of the Ampatuan family, believed to be the masterminds behind the brutal massacre. Troops were already in the area and has surrounded the compound of the warlord. Arms were already seized.

In fact, previous press statements of Malacanang issued shortly after the massacre indicates that the situation has been placed under control. When Mrs. Arroyo placed three provinces believed to be under the control of the Ampatuans under the State of Emergency proclamation, the situation in the area normalized and there was no indication that a rebellion was existing nor was there a threat even, of rebellion.


Given that there was no factual basis for the declaration of martial law, what should Congress do at this point?


I do not agree with Speaker Prospero Nograles Jr. assertion that the sentence in Section 18 was just discretionary, not directory. Look at how this sentence was framed:

“…Within forty-eight hours from the proclamation of martial law or the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, the President shall submit a report in person or in writing to the Congress. The Congress, voting jointly, by a vote of at least a majority of all its Members, in regular or special session, may revoke such proclamation or suspension, which revocation shall not be set aside by the President.”

Two things: President is MANDATED by the Constitution to report to Congress and second, Congress has to CONVENE itself either in regular or SPECIAL SESSION. IN FACT, the Constitution DIRECTS CONGRESS TO IMMEDIATELY CONVENE WITHIN TWENTY FOUR HOURS FOLLOWING THE PROCLAMATION OR SUSPENSION..WITHOUT NEED OF A CALL.


These provisions are DIRECTORY or MANDATORY, not subject to the whims or caprices of the Speaker or of that of the Senate President.


The question really is—when is the proper time for Congress to convene?


If Congress is in session, they must convene within forty eight hours. In the case of Maguindanao, they have to do it as early as Tuesday morning, since the proclamation took effect 7 o’clock in the morning of December 4, which fell on a Saturday. If they are NOT in session, they should have called it by TODAY, Sunday, December 5.


* Note: In computing for a period, the first day is excluded and the last day included. In Article 13 of the Civil Code of the Philippines, it is said, and to wit:

Art. 13. When the law speaks of years, months, days or nights, it shall be understood that years are of three hundred sixty five days each; months, of thirty days; days, of twenty-foiur houses; and nights, from sunset to sunrise.


If months are designated by their name, they shall be computed by the number of days which they respectively have.


In computing a period, the first day shall be excluded and the last day included.

Now, was there legal basis for what Senator Juan Ponce-Enrile said that when it meant 48 hours, that means that it should be working hours, meaning, government offices must be OPEN before he, as Senate President, can CALL and CONVENE the Senate? By all means, NO.


Section 18 of Article 7 of the 1987 Constitution is a directory provision and we are talking here of a suspension of rights and privileges extended to citizens living in a democracy. Are we to wait for government offices to open BEFORE ENRILE calls for his fellow Senators to convene? The Constitution is clear—if not in session, convene even without a call. If they are in session, convene within forty eight hours. Forty eight hours mean that it starts at 7 o-clock in the morning and ends at 7AM in the morning of Tuesday.

Diffusing martial law talks

Kung gaano nila kabilis pina-init ang tungkol sa bombing, ganon din nila kabilis pinatay ang isyu. Why?



Simple---this regime is weaker than before. The situation now is actually a reverse of the previous one where the Arroyo regime gets its way whenever there's a destabilized situation. If you notice, destabilization efforts strengthen instead of weaken the regime. When it sees an occasion to use military power, this regime never hesitates. The use of military action to diffuse a supposed power grab was meant to stress authority and power over their enemies. And for every action that this regime takes to neutralize its enemies, the stronger it becomes in the minds of the people. And why is that? Because there was a perception that the regime stands on a higher moral ground than its critics. That impression leaves a lasting mark in people's minds, convincing many that being in the good side of the regime is better than risk being its enemy.

Now, it's different. People think now that this regime is out to extend its stay, whatever means possible. These talks of martial rule are starting to create an impression on the minds of the people that the regime is desperate to prolong its stay, at any cost. For the people, this is unacceptable. Filipinos can tolerate one or two terms, but another six years with Gloria? That is too much.

Advisers of Mrs. Arroyo might have realized this. That's why they made every effort to diffuse the situation. Try to look at the list of stories of both ABS-CBN and GMA---there is but casual mention of the bombings any longer. And take a hard look at the headlines tomorrow and you'll know what I'm talking about.

Likewise, the Arroyo regime might have noticed that one or two military groups or factions tried to add fire to these talks (or rumours if you believe government). Look at how NCRPO denied the presence of terrorists in Metro Manila. And see how fast government tried to impress us by arresting so-called bombing experts of the Abu Sayyaf Group. These incidents are like road shows, easy to dismantle whenever necessary.

Charter Change And Martial Rule

Is it possible under the present circumstances, for Mrs. Gloria Arroyo to mix charter change with martial rule, as alleged by former ally Jose de Venecia Jr.?

Speaking before members of the diplomatic community at the Manila Polo Club, De Venecia gave diplomats a veritable security and political briefing on what's really happening. He confirmed earlier entries in NPR about the plan of Arroyo to call for a State of Emergency should Speaker Prospero Nograles Jr. fails to sustain enough support to convene Congress into a Constituent Assembly.

As what I wrote here several weeks ago, August 6 is the date where all of these things would come to a head, or a week after Mrs. Arroyo's SONA. If Congress convene itself as an assembly, then, several scenarios are likely to happen:

1. Bombings in Mindanao would increase, with the administration again pointing to extremist groups as the ones responsible for the attacks. These bombings are diversionary tactics, meant to delude the public and ensure that another option remains available should public outrage comes to a decisive and explosive level.

2. Increased military and police checkpoints which they plan to set up a few days or the week of the SONA. This will be extended after the SONA, as they expect opposition to mount huge rallies shortly after the convening of Congress into a Constituent Assembly.

Now, what if Congress fails to convene itself into a Constituent Assembly?

1. Either a self-coup or a declaration of martial rule. A self-coup is more likely since failure to convene will surely diminish rallies against the administration. This coup would be mounted by several so-called reformists who will occupy several key government installations. They will then announce order and institute a revolutionary government with Arroyo as the head.

Arroyo will scrap the Constitution, convene a small group of constitutional experts and start the constitutional review. Shortly after that, they plan to institute preparations for parliamentary elections.

Martial law likely under Arroyo, says JDV

Former Arroyo ally, ex-Speaker Jose de Venecia Jr. thinks that Mrs. Arroyo is planning to declare martial law.

He says that Arroyo's body language speaks for itself--the purported plan to isolate her defense secretary and replace him with a trusted general and former putschist and the worsening situation in Mindanao. De Venecia said, Mrs. Arroyo could use this to justify a declaration of martial rule. Now, if this fails, there is another opportunity--failure of the 2010 elections.

Earlier today, the palace denied talks of a Cabinet reshuffle, saying that there are no plans to replace Teodoro.

De Venecia is speculating that if these bombings hit sensitive areas or escalate, that would surely give Mrs. Arroyo enough reason to declare martial rule. Or, at the very least, declare a selective martial law, covering only Mindanao.

Rumours of martial law has been talked about in certain circles as early as January. The plan involves the escalation of violence in Mindanao. Military insiders say the plan is expected to hit paydirt in August 6. However, recent intelligence reports show that Mrs. Arroyo is planning to actualize the plan as early as the third week of July, even ahead of the State of the Nation address in July 27.

These talks are spreading fast and loud that even Washington took notice. This Sunday, CIA chief Leon Panetta will be visiting the Philippines. Panetta expects to have an audience with Mrs. Arroyo. The visit is reportedly a routine government to government matter, mostly a protocol to reiterate commitments in intelligence sharing. Some quarters however, insist that Panetta's mission is to discuss political developments with Mrs. Arroyo. Like US Defense secretary Robert Gates, Panetta's visit is Washington's way of telling Mrs. Arroyo to "come clean and toe the democratic line."

Arroyo more lethal than Marcos

We face a strong and stubborn enemy. Unlike the Marcos regime, the Arroyo administration is more dangerous. First, it has a strong political will, able to accomplish almost everything it desires and uses resources more skilfully and effectively than its enemies.

Second, it has, under its disposal, a young army of former change agents. These ex-change agents are skilled in the Art of War. They possess organizational as well as tactical knowledge of the political environment. They know what buttons to push and with the right application of tactical moves, they are able to defeat us and lead us to confusion.

Lastly, the Arroyo regime is in a stronger position in terms of the exercise of state power. It has the loyalty of some generals. It has spies sown like seeds in the field.

Isolation is the first step in defeating this regime. In the past though, the Arroyo clique already solved that through a public display of support from its allies. Through machinations, the Arroyo clique lured both its allies and enemies into a trap before, set to show strength and force under extremely difficult circumstances.

This came about because the Arroyo clique already knew and telegraphed the moves of its enemies. In any destabilizing situation, the script is evident. First, the rallies. Second, expression of collective support. Third, the calling of Patriotic elements within the military. Fourth, a big expression of dissent and fifth, the movement of troops. This has been the script since EDSA uno and the reason why the Arroyo regime continues to survive is the fact that the writers of this script are now safely on the side of Wrong, rather than of Right.

In all of these stages, the Arroyo clique already had the right responses based on its experience culled from years of surviving under a cloud of destabilization.

The script must be revised. A new strategy must be created and implemented. New players should emerge from this crisis; otherwise, these moves are sure and bound to fail, yet again, leading to demoralization and useless expenditure.

I am not at liberty to suggest anything at this point simply to say try reading the 36 Strategems of War. That holds the key to the complete defeat of this regime.

General Clausewitz used to say that war is a continuation of politics. In a nonlinear situation, the theory of chaos is always best as a strategy since this compels the opposing force to adapt in a different situation.

Lastly, it would be erroneous to compare Arroyo with Marcos, therefore, the same strategy applies to the present situation. Ours is a totally different situation. We are not struggling under a dictatorship, no. There is yet, a perceived foundling of a dictatorship. Hence, there is an absence of experience or learnings. Without this, it would be hard to generate critical mass.

Therefore, we must not rely on a critical mass as a dependent variable. We must push for the penultimate result without thinking of the future. If we fear that the Arroyo regime would use all available force to avert change, then, we must not proceed with all our plans since that indicates unpreparedness.

Stealth and the right application of the theories of war should be undertaken. Otherwise, this would lead to a disastrous defeat. It would give the regime a reason to proceed with the dictatorship and worst, totally annihilate all dissenting groups in the process.

Resolution 1109: Martial Law in August

Rep. Luis Villafuerte is a shrewd politician. But, he cannot fool us, no.

He'll be the one who'll challenge the Resolution 1109 before the Supreme Court. He's the trojan horse of Mrs. Arroyo.

He deliberately stayed his hand, reportedly bolted the administration party and is thinking of going to the NPC to austensibly join it. Yet, he's a main actor in this charade (as what Joe de Venecia referred to this Resolution 1109).

Villafuerte will drag the Supreme Court in this controversy so that the Executive will be the remaining institution left standing. Villafuerte, Ronnie Puno and all the architects of this travesty called Resolution 1109 are in for the long haul. Their mission is the establishment of another dictatorship, far worse than the victim of EDSA Uno.

The penultimate game plan is simply not a peaceful and democratic shift to parliamentarism. No. Were it so, we should have at least read it in the wording of this Resolution.

The plan is the establishment of martial rule come August of this year. This coincides with the strategy put forward by a Jesuit priest and his chuwawah, National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales, the rasputin of Mrs. Arroyo. The aim is simply force the shift and ram it down our throats.

And in all wars, this comes in pristine timing. The Opposition is weak. The soldiers are lulled to deep sleep. The Patriots are incarcerated. There is no force strong enough to repulse a repeat of authoritarianism in the Philippines.

That's why, expect not the dawning of a New Morning, but an ushering of the dark ages in Philippine history.

And what is the prize for raping the Constitution? Billions of dollars worth of projects, the Bagong Nayon Filipino resort project of PAGCOR and other jewels and gems included in the 2009 budget.

These people are resolved to kill us just so they can enjoy these gems and exercise power even beyond 2010.

No-El and August

Why do I always hear rumours of "No-El" and people whisper that something "big" will happen this August? What's with August anyway?

Despite this Resolution that passed thru the rigorous House two days ago, I don't believe that elections will not push thru as planned. The administration already agreed on a merger with Lakas CMD and it would be foolish not to go ahead with the elections. These politicians know that tampering with the elections would lead to widespread violence. People are waiting for the transition. Everyone's itching to know what future lies in a post-Gloria era. Yet, to tempt fate and pursue a term extension is foolhardy at best.

Again, I don't know what will happen come August. Congress has until June 3, that's next week, to tempt fate by pushing thru with that Resolution. They also have until that time to extend CARP. Farmers are clashing with police in a daily fashion lately. And House members, especially Cong. Edcel Lagman already gave assurances that the House will extend CARP. Yet, these legislators just want farmers to wait for their turn.

Tomorrow, 28 May 2009, two significant events will happen. LAKAS-KAMPI CMD will have a dinner meeting and wagging tongues say, Noli de Castro will grace the event, alongside with, DILG secretary Ronnie Puno. Puno already threw his hat unto the vice-presidential ring and the architect of the Sulu hotel operations that catapulted Ramos to power is very much assured of winning. Puno will pit himself against Senator Kiko Pangilinan and possibly, Jinggoy Estrada from the Opposition. If Puno wins against Kiko or Jinggoy, there's something wrong with the system.

Administration allies, I heard, is confident of a win, given that COMELEC will soon award the computerization project to the rag-tag rich team of Cezar Quiambao and Ernest Villareal. These two graft geniuses are known associates of First Gentleman Mike Arroyo and surely, they'll go whatever the Arroyo family wants.

Going back to my original query, I just don't know what's on August that people whisper something sinister about it. All I know about August is that's the month when Ninoy got shot and the month when Marcos decided to go ahead with September 12---a date that went down in history as the most infamous day that blackened Philippine history.

Will this administration do ala-Marcos and decide to tempt fate, throw every caution in the wind and satisfy its whim? Possibly. This administration has survived so many attempts that it has adjusted everytime. It became stronger. It became bolder. And what's so unique about all of these things---it became wiser.

After June 3, it's possible that some sipsip Congressmen will tempt fate and go on with charter change. They cannot declare an extension since it's prohibited by the 1987 Constitution but the president can. Or, possibly there will be something serious that affects security that would prod Mrs. Arroyo to declare martial rule?

But, all these are far-fetched and simply too ridiculous even to think. No-El? Cha-cha? Crap!

Arroyo to declare martial rule either April or June?

Martial law by May? Though Global Source, a US-based think tank failed to identify when will the Arroyo administration would probably launch such a ridiculous measure to perpetuate itself to an overtime of power, sources of NPR says the possibility of Martial rule remains an option to the Arroyo cabal.

That window of opportunity for such a foolish and idiotic drive presents itself in the period of time between Congress entering into an adjournment of session from March 7 to April 12 or between June 6 to July 26 of this year.

An extraordinary event like this should only happen while Congress is in adjournment. Why? Because a declaration during a session is entirely disruptive, even chaotic.

The most likely time for Arroyo would be this period of adjournment, between March to April. Why? It allows more time for her allies to re-group themselves, shore up more resources and possibly increase support for the measure so that, come re-opening of the session, they may be able to push for an extension of the martial rule declaration only until July 26, 2009. By which time they may have already passed certain measures which will benefit them come 2010.

However, absent any stirrings from the public and possible genuine opposition from anti-Arroyo groups, the Arroyo Cabal may have to re-think their strategies and possibly go for the June 12 deadline they already set for themselves.

At this point in time, there is really nothing big an event that would justify an imposition of martial rule, except, if the following events/scenarios happen:

1. A worsening of the hostage crisis in Jolo, Sulu and the heightening of low intensity conflicts in MILF areas.

2. An increase in crime incidence in the Metropolitan areas.

3. An intensification of anti-Communist campaigns in both the red and the white areas.

4. Heightening of high-profile crime cases involving either assassinations of big-time personalities and/or government/police officials.

5. Possible "ambush-me" scenarios that would involve either the president and/or one or some of her officials.


A June declaration of martial rule is beneficial since it allows them a longer period of time of implementation and also, possibly, create a more beneficial atmosphere of likely support from allies.

A disruption of the political configurations via a martial rule measure would likely debilitate the opposition and cause support to rise for the administration.

Creeping Fascism

First, that attempt to take over Meralco (which on second thought, seems okey to me now. I know. I opposed it before. But, because of this electricity rate hike this coming month, it would be best for everyone for government to manage Meralco. I;ve had enough of Meralco and the Lopezes already). Then, the outbreak of war in Mindanao. And now this.

IN Justice Secretary Raul Gonzales' interview, he charged that ABS-CBN 2 violated the Code of Ethics and its franchise with the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) when it released an interview of MILF Commander Bravo. Bravo is wanted by the law. The Philippine Army and the PNP are out there in Mindanao, trying to arrest the elusive commander.

My good friend, George Carino (who's a brilliant journalist and hails from Bulacan) traced the whereabouts of Bravo and interviewed him. I saw his interview. And I found nothing wrong. I would agree with my professor, Luis Teodoro, that ABS-CBN 2 violated no law.

Jun Nicdao of the Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster ng Pilipinas (KBP) also found nothing wrong with the interview. As a former journalist myself, I saw nothing that would merit a sanction against ABS-CBN.

What instigated IN Justice secretary Raul Gonzales?

Gonzales said that ABS-CBN violated its franchise when it gave air space to a known fugitive. He said that Bravo used ABS-CBN to "instigate" fellow Muslims to "foment violence or the use of arms".

Where? Where in the interview did Bravo actually tell his fellow Muslims that they need to raise up arms against the government? I never saw nor heard anything similar to what (in)Justice secretary Gonzales referred to as "instigations"? Am I dreaming or Mr. Gonzales is just hallucinating?

Gonzales' acts are plain and simple muscle flexing. Government is trying to frighten one of the biggest media networks in the land for one goal--neutralize or marginalize media outlets. Why? Is government laying the ground for martial rule? My mother told me that this is the same tactic employed by the dictator Marcos a year or two before he implemented martial rule. History shows that media was the first one neutralized, second were civil society and people's organisations, and lastly, progressive middle class groups.

Are we in the midst of martial rule?

A Full Life--The Memoirs of Teofisto Guingona, a Patriot

I had the excellent opportunity to read the memoir of a Patriot today. Reading it brings back memories of those times when Filipinos stood for something beautiful--not because of politics nor money--but about ethics and good-old ideological principles.

Ethics, ah, that's new. Nowadays, we look at politicians in the same mold as we look at hooligans. We can't seem to find something good or something moral about them. For us, there's nothing ethical nor beautiful about politics. Politics is dirty. Politics is all about money. Politics is something abhorrent, even despicable. And ethics is something aesthetic, not political.

Guingona's milieu is something different, even dreamy. It was the golden age of Philippine politics. It was a time when our country was finding our identity, our own place under the hot global sun. It was an era where we are looking for some pillar to stand on.

This humble man from Agusan was fortunate enough to shine side by side with all those legal, political, economic and ideological giants of our age. He shone in a different light. He belongs to those luminaries but his light shone more brightly than them.

Those whom he had the pleasure of meeting and befriending all betrayed the People's Cause when their time came to govern. When they held the fate of the Nation in their hands as policy-makers, their true colors showed. They forgot why God put them there, not to steal billions from us, but to help us.

Not Teofisto Guingona.

He stood for the people's cause. His voice rang loud when the tentacles of dictatorship plunged this country into the abyssmal pits of chaos and delusion. He fought side by side with men of substance when it was not the time to do so. He suffered in poverty when most of his friends prospered under the blessing of a Madman.

He went against the grain because it was right, it was moral and it was his duty as a Filipino to do so.

Guingona was a true-blue rebel. He rebelled when everybody was trying to rationalize irrationality. He struggled when everyone says it's okey when in fact, it was turning totally nasty and brutish for the People.

Guingona fought for the rights of the Christians and the Muslims. He understood their pain.

Guingona struggled against tyranny, oppression and poverty. He saw the world not in rosy-colored lens, but with clear spectacles hardened by the ultra-violet light of reality.

He stood like the Atenean he is, a blue eagle, standing proudly in that landscape of dark clouds and an almost deserted Philippines. Now, he's the last of the Mohicans. His contemporaries have all joined the heavenly pantheon of heroes. But, I pray that the Almighty still prolong the life of this man, since the People still need him.

I had the pleasure of meeting the man.

During the managed turbulence of EDSA Dos, I ate lunch with him, along with some generals. It was in his modest home in New Manila. When we were eating, he asked me about things related to the struggle, for which he replied, " you can fool the people sometimes, but you can't fool the people everytime."

He referred to me as a bright man and told me that if I'm ready to be jailed should we fail in what we're doing. Without nary a flinch, I said yes. I've been jailed before when I militated against the Military Bases Agreement, along with PAG-IBIG president Miro Quimpo and former Chief of Staff Mike Defensor. Like Guingona, I stood against the grain. And even at this ripe age of 37, I am still at it, hoping that the time will come when the People, the true owners of this land, govern this country through a Council of their choice.

Guingona will remain an inspiration to a new generation of Patriots. I am quite certain that in the next few months or years, a new breed of Patriots will emerge and form a New Class--the creative class. This creative class will rewrite history. This time, it will be a glorious one when the People will become the masters of their fate, not the slave of the State.

For you, my Patriot, we will honor you by continuing what you fought for--a New Philippine Revolution.

History repeating itself: cha-cha again

In 1967, Marcos suffered one of four failures in his political career--he failed to amend the 1935 Constitution through constitutional means. The attempt at changing the charter would have fast-tracked his path to glory without shedding any blood. However, the people failed him. It was only in 1972 when he achieved what he wanted--absolute power through a constitutional dictatorship.

Forty years past and now we see another attempt at charter change. Arroyo, the beneficiary of an illegitimate power grab, wants to change the charter, ostensibly to address one major issue--the increasing Bangsamoro insurgency. Spokesmen of Arroyo are now going the rounds, convincing the people of the necessity of changing the charter to honor the commitment of the government in granting ancestral domain to the Bangsamoro people. Peace adviser Jesus Dureza revealed that the administration decided to again revive the Cha-cha train to honor its commitment last November 2007 to the MILF on the granting of ancestral domain.

I studied the Constitution and found that, yes, the GRP needs to amend the Charter to accommodate the ancestral domain issue. However noble the intention is, unfortunately, this cha-cha thing came at the worst time. It came at a time when Arroyo is nearing the end of her term. Obviously, people will suspect the real intention of the government in reviving cha-cha. It likewise verified earlier reports and suspicions that Arroyo and her gang of thieves want to use the Bangsamoro Question to justify a change in the structure of government. And we know who will benefit from such a change--Arroyo.

Marcos used the Communist bogey in justifying martial law. Now, Arroyo is using the Bangsamoro for her own nefarious scheme. It is quite obvious that Arroyo will use all means to justify a change in the charter.

This early, there are reports that government will use its barangay network to again, muster enough signatures for cha-cha. Late January, Congress thru Cong. Ortega (an Arroyo stooge) will revive cha-cha talks on the committee level.

Reports reaching NPR revealed that government is preparing its security forces to provoke the MILF for another round of war. Expect bombings in the name of cha-cha to again hug the headlines. Expect a "rise" in "terrorist" activities, ostensibly to prove to the Filipino people on the necessity of charter-change.

Opposition groups know about this Arroyo scheme. That's why these camps floated the issue about certain personalities running for 2010. What will these groups do in the event that Arroyo, indeed, force her way for cha-cha? Apparently, Arroyo does not want elections in 2010.

What would Roxas and the Liberal Party do? How about the Nationalista Party of Senator Villar? And more so, Lakas?

It seems that 2008 will be quite an interesting year for all political forces because this early, this administration has shown that it will do everything in its power to perpetuate itself beyond 2010.